Tuesday, March 11, 2008
Malaysia: The rebirth of reformasi
| Malaysia: The rebirth of reformasi |  |  |  |
| Posted by labisman | |
| Wednesday, 12 March 2008 | |
| by Kazi Mahmood They argue that if Anwar had managed to build a united coalition, the BN might have bitten the dust in more states and lost power altogether. The only chance the BN had in these elections was that Anwar was not allowed to be a candidate and had he been on the list of the PKR as such, chances are that the BN would have lost heavily all over Malaysia, said the experts contacted by phone from our current post in Dakar. Dakar, Senegal – 10th March: Malaysia has made a big step in the democratic world with a forceful message from a large section of the population, denying the ruling coalition a 2/3rd majority. The ruling coalition has lost 5 states thanks to big wins by powerful opposition group headed unofficially by Anwar Ibrahim; former deputy Prime Minister during the time of Tun Mahathir Mohamed. A vote for change and a punishment – long overdue says observers – for the Barisan Nasional (BN) is now seen by political observers as the return of Anwar Ibrahim in Malaysian politics. Written as obsolete and outdated or unwanted by Malaysians, Anwar has now proven that he is a formidable opponent to the government and represents the new era for Malaysia. Besides Anwar’s victory, the vote shows a rejection of the ‘Islam Hadari’ concept promoted by Abdullah Badawi’s government with the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) winning more states and more Parliamentary seats. It is also a big victory for the Democratic Action Party (DAP) which now controls the Penang State Assembly, defeating the government’s ruling coalition. The results are shockingly gruesome for the BN and a slap in the face for the leaders of the racial based coalition. It proves that Anwar Ibrahim is armed with great strategies and will continue to be a bleeding wound in the Umno’s otherwise untouchable might. Not surprisingly, the opposition is today positioned as a real alternative to the present government and could easily topple the regime in the next general elections, experts told WFOL from Dakar, Senegal. The opposition should now press for the reviewing and amendment of the Newspapers and Periodicals Act in the Parliament. It should also strive for the Suhakam, the official human rights organization to act with more freedom and without hindrances from the authorities. |
Press freedom and human rights should be Anwars priorities
| Press freedom and human rights should be Anwars priorities |  |  |  |
| Written by Kazi Mahmood | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| Boosted by the big wins in the 12th General Elections, the opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim must set the right agenda for change in Malaysia. Press freedom, human rights and the fate of foreigners married to the locals should be the priorities on this agenda. The current government does not promote press freedom and limits human rights with barriers that are insurmountable for the weak. The new culture in Malaysia should be to support the freedom of the press – essential to promote democracy and Islam – while the rights of the individuals should be enhanced, says experts. The large victories by the opposition is a message to the ruling class that more space is needed for expression and more respect for the rights of the people altogether. Malaysia is definitely living its days of change and the next happening in the country could well be a total change in government in the next 5 years, WFOL was told from Senegal, where the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) is holding its 11th summit. During the summit, the member states will be asked to review and ratify the new OIC Charter. The new charter is bond to set the agenda for the guarantee of the rights of the individuals and of the people. Malaysia will have to ratify the charter too being the outgoing chairman of the organization however the country did not sign the Asean charter which also guarantees human rights amongst others. The opposition in Malaysia should make it the priority number one to defend these rights and to get the ruling coalition to adopt the Asean charter as well as the new OIC charter in the process. The opposition should now press for the reviewing and amendment of the Newspapers and Periodicals Act in the Parliament. It should also strive for the Suhakam, the official human rights organization to act with more freedom and without hindrances from the authorities. Malaysia is planning to be a fully developed nation by 2020 but it will not go any further if it does not tackle the problems related to human rights, to press freedom and to the rights of individuals who migrate to the country. The world is changing and it is changing fast while Malaysia seems to be stuck in its own mistranslations of the changes that are shaking the world. Migration is an issue that will affect Malaysia further even deeper than what it is currently dealing with. The country is almost always invaded by foreign illegal workers and migrants who are leaving their country of origin to either find better jobs or a new home. Malaysia has tough policies regarding new migrants, people married to locals and even towards investors whose families find it difficult to establish in the country. This is due mainly to the rules and regulations controlled by Home Ministry which sets the standards but fails to address the real issues. Foreign parents find it hard to raise their families in Malaysia with numerous rules and regulations that affect their capacity to earn a descent living in the country. This make it hard for them to provide for their families and it give their children the tendency to believe that they are not welcomed in the midst of other Malaysian children. The OIC itself is currently dealing with migratory issues in Dakar with experts on the matter meeting and pressing the leaders of the 57 OIC member states to look into the issue with less rhetoric and more concrete actions. The Malaysian opposition now headed by Anwar Ibrahim should do its utmost to take advantage of its huge presence in the cabinet to make its views heard but also to get new laws to be voted. The opposition will not have to worry about the consequences of its actions in Parliament by pressing the government to adopt amendments to the existing press laws, human rights laws and to create new laws that will allow foreign spouses to be treated as migrants with respect and rights. |
Tanya sama hati, Prime Minister ....... tanya sama hati ...
| Tanya sama hati, Prime Minister ....... tanya sama hati ... | | | |
| Posted by labisman | |
| Wednesday, 12 March 2008 | |
| The Prime Minister must not resign for this is a golden opportunity to redeem himself; that is of course if he is wiling to work hard instead of dozing off all the time. Without compromise, he must rid himself of his irksome son-in-law who has now become the Rasputin of his court. With the elections over and revealing an almost true picture of the state of the electorate's minds (except for Perlis and Trengganu where suspicions still linger in the manner they were won by the BN), Badawi is rid off that massive baggage that was unloaded off to him when he picked up the baton from an even more unpopular Mahathir who single-handedly managed to dry-up the country's treasury. Badawi must move quickly to appoint young professionals who have gone through the mill rather then ones that have been spoon-fed and keep Sidek to straighten up a bloated civil service. This is the best time to get rid of health, education and other ministries which will require the expertise and skills of the private sector through a competitive transparent OPEN TENDER, a phrase currently non-existent in BN's vocabulary. A government's job is to put up good policies that will benefit its populace and MONITOR them. In fact there may not be a need for any further enactments, only proper implementation and maintenance. Perhaps the Prime Minister should ponder on the fact that maintenance is of equal or of even greater importance then cancerously growing out of control. It has no business trying to run a business. That sought of thing is done by countries like Singapore that masquerade as a democracy without an opposition and use Tumasek as its corporate arm to run a country utilizing family members and proxies. Corporate governmental dynasties of this nature infuriate an educated electorate even further. This, Malaysia must never do. Malaysia must engage the average Malaysian, be he yellow, brown or black, give them equal rights and opportunities and bring the best out of him or her. The PM must encourage entrepreneurship in all races and get rid of antiquated laws that prevent a human being from shining. Malaysians can help themselves without the government. They need only a clear path and opportunities. And this path the PM must ensure remains obstacle free. This country has both natural and human resources to make it to the top. What it doesn't have is firm governance and stable policies. Prime Minister Badawi can make it if he wants and if he has the courage to rid himself off his tainted, Mahathir-linked Deputy, his galling son-in-law and carpet beggars like Anuar Zaini who have been instrumental in ripping this country off financially through dubious deals. He will not have to deal with a number of underperforming and corrupt ministers and menteri besars who leeched this country bare. That difficult job, mercifully, has been carried out by an incensed electorate. However if the PM is unable to hold his water and chooses not to rid himself of his son-in-law and insists on running this country by auto pilot, then he must step down or be prepared to be pushed off. Tanya sama hati, Prime Minister. It is "Anak Ku Sazali" time, and you need to fear nothing now except your own shadow and you may have it within you to make these shadows disappear. Tengok dalam air, Nampak bayang bayang Campak satu batu, Bayang pun hilang. Your chance to leave a good name rather then a memory of stained, convoluted stripes is at hand. You, and you and alone must choose that destiny.
By Z. IBRAHIM |
Congratulation! We Did It!
| Congratulation! We Did It! | | | |
| Posted by labisman | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| S. Ali Mahmud Firstly, I would like to congratulate my fellow Malaysians for the 12th General Election's result. The result has proven to us that the Rakyat want change and that power to change is entirely in the hand of the people. Despite not winning as the government, the ability of the Barisan Alternative to win five states, Kedah, Penang, Perak, Selangor and Kelantan proven that the citizens are fed up with the ruling coalition that had over and again disappoint the citizens. From my point of view, this victory is the first step towards bigger steps ahead, provided Barisan Alternative proves themselves in the next 5 years. This General Election's result evident the sensibility of the Rakyat. The Rakyat is cautious and prudent when deciding the shift of power. Instead of transferring the entire administration to the oppositions, they are testing the ability of Barisan Alternatives by mandating several states under their administration. If Barisan Alternatives is able to prove in the next 5 year that they are capable of carrying out the wishes of the Rakyat, Barisan Alternatives would stand a good opportunity to be elected as the next government in the next General Election. However, if they fail in these states, their likelihood of holding Federal government would be futile. In the next 5 years, the onus is on Barisan Alternative to prove to the Rakyat that they are capable and competent in working together amongst the opposition party and most importantly they are just in implementing policies that would benefit the Rakyat irrespective of their race and religions. As for the 4 new state governments, unlike Kelantan, it is crucial that these newly formed state governments strategise the socio-economic development of their states. They should conduct post mortem to identify what went wrong prior to introducing and implementing new policies and projects. How competitive and what are the priority of each states must be carefully examined. Inheriting states that had been ruled by the ruling coalition over the last few decades and to undo any of the flaws would require skills and diligence. On Federal level, the denial of two-third majority in the Parliamentary seats is a strong signal sent to the ruling party that the Rakyat have had enough of what has been happening. If the Prime Minister is serious about his job, I think he ought to realise the priorities of the Rakyat and be accountable to the citizens of this country. This country does not require any further mega projects. The Rakyat no longer wish to have another white elephant surrounding them. The priority is the cost of living of the Rakyat. It is in the heart of every citizen that they are not economically suppressed to enjoy a sensible life. People are demanding to live in a safer environment where enforcement agencies are deployed to protect them rather than abusing the power given. The Rakyat is demanding for a better future and equal opportunities for their children. These are the priorities that should be under the microscope of the government, not more buildings that will become the dwelling of drug addicts and centre for public delinquents like Mat Rempits to congregate. The Rakyat are telling the government vis-a vis this election result that they no longer willing to see the Parliament being treated like the zoo. In this 21st century, Members of Parliaments are expected to behave like human being and adhere to the ethics in the democratic institution with respect. The Rakyat are insisting on having crucial and pressing issues to be debated in the Parliament and not trivial issues with regard to crucifixes in missionary school. The shift of power back to the people is evident in this General Election result. People who are holding power should as Shahrizat Jalil rightly said, do some 'soul-searching'. Everyone including those who have been elected again into power ought to ask themselves honestly whether or not they are in power for personal or public gain? If the answer is the former, I proposed that these people should not contest again for the next general election. You would rather retire gracefully that to fall dishonourably (like someone we know). As for the newly elected state government and members of Parliament, a word of advice, your appointment is to represent the interest of the Rakyat. It is not to enable yourself being addressed as 'Yang Berhormat' or 'Sir'. Your appointment is to serve the Rakyat and you are there by virtue of Rakyat's mandates. I wish to congratulate Elizabeth Wong for her refusal to be addressed as YB despite being elected as MP in her constituency. We are in dire need of down to earth people to understand their role and chain of accountability towards Rakyat. It is the wish of Rakyat that these elected personalities understand their plights and are able to bring these pressing issues to the attention of those who are capable to address them. Remember what Haris Ibrahim said, it is the Rakyat who appoint you to be the Members of Parliament and Members of States Assemblies, the Rakyat too would also be able to depose any of you who fail them. Thus carry out the trusts that have been mandated upon you. |
Door opens for opposition and hope in Malaysia
| Door opens for opposition and hope in Malaysia | | | |
| Posted by labisman | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| By Natasha Rudra It is an unfamiliar feeling. Malaysian politics is no longer a monolith of government. The weekend's reversal of fortunes has stunned the ruling coalition, which has grown content and complacent after 50 years in power. But it has also stunned the electorate, and to a certain extent the opposition. There has not been a viable opposition in nearly 40 years, and the Government has not been denied a two-thirds majority in Parliament since 1969, when opposition gains were met with riots and a violent crackdown. An entire generation of Malaysians has grown up in the shadow of Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his Barisan Nasional, or BN, coalition cronies. For too long veterans such as Lim Kit Siang and comrade Karpal Singh, of the secular Chinese-based Democratic Action Party, or DAP, have been fighting a lonely, often symbolic resistance to the ruling coalition. They have been torn by internal squabbles, battle-scarred from spells in jail at Government hands, and all too often abandoned at the polls by the timidity of Malaysian voters willing to endure authoritarian rule in exchange for economic growth. After years in the wilderness, wielding significant political power not to mention the reins of state government will be surreal, especially for the new generation of leaders they have groomed, and for Lim's son, Lim Guan Eng, who is now Chief Minister of the key industrial state of Penang. Using oil wealth dating from the 1970s and huge foreign investments, the BN has created a deeply interwoven web of political and commercial interests, turning Malaysia into what some consider a corporatist state with a veneer of parliamentary democracy. With cronyism and patronage running almost unchecked, many of Malaysia's institutions the civil service, the police and the judiciary among them have become deeply compromised. The elections also mark the gradual coming of age of the new Malaysian middle-class. Powered by the very economic growth the BN used to stay in government, a new generation of educated white-collar Malaysians has finally been able to flex its political muscle. Until the opposition parties put together their new moderate working alliance, the choices before this middle-class were stark: either to vote for an avowedly Islamic Malay-based party, or for an avowedly secular Chinese-based one. For many this was no alternative. A young generation has also come to the fore. They have grown up ripe for change, cynical of the country's illusion of harmony and equality. They are also educated and skilled, and are thus unafraid to take the chance on the opposition. The largely urban minority communities have been long felt marginalised by the Government's long-running affirmative action program. The system guarantees ethnic Malays jobs, free education, cheap housing, tax breaks and economic favours all at the expense of ethnic Chinese, Indian and indigenous people who make up 40 per cent of the population. The system was designed to help the Malays catch up with the rest of the country after independence from Britain, but it has turned into a state-sponsored web of cronyism and favouritism, paralysing the country along a racial divide. It has also built a deep resentment among the ethnic minorities, who are left to fend for themselves. A central player in this long-running drama has been Anwar Ibrahim. Since his release from jail, he has become the main figure around whom the Malay-based Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, known as PAS, the DAP, and other centrist opposition forces have managed to coalesce. As an ethnic Malay and former deputy prime minister, he exerts a powerful pull over the liberal Malay bourgeois and the working classes, and has won over large swathes of the non-Malay communities. He has Islamic credentials which give him leverage with PAS (the party offered to make him their deputy leader when he was deposed from the coalition). His espousal of egalitarian principles allows him to work with the leftist DAP on equal terms, bringing them and his People's Justice Party, known as PKR, together in a coalition which covers many of the bases of Malaysian opposition. Although Anwar is still barred from holding political office until April, he is expected to take up a seat in Parliament as soon as this condition expires, when his wife stands aside for him in his old seat, allowing him to become parliamentary opposition leader. Anwar is now one of the most powerful men in Malaysia but he must make good on his promises to eradicate the racially based affirmative action system, and press for reforms. Malaysia's ethnic Chinese and Indian communities as well as other minorities and indigenous tribes have seen a steady erosion of their political, religious, economic and social freedoms and rights. At the same time, many Malays have seen the wealth of Malaysia's booming economy, rapid industrialisation, and booming stockmarkets flowing only towards the select few. A significant test of Anwar's leadership will also be the way he deals with PAS, which now holds two state governments. PAS has moderated its hard-core Islamist agenda to highlight its respect for other religions but there is no guarantee this will continue to sit easily with the liberal reformist platforms of the DAP and the PKR. The BN still forms the Government, and it is by no means down and out. The parties which form the BN will seek to destabilise, demonise and destroy the new challenge to their power. The rise of the opposition comes against a backdrop of deep divisions within the United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, which dominates the ruling coalition. On the sidelines, Mahathir is furious. The election results only adds fuel to his long campaign to unseat Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in favour of Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Najib Tun Razak who has been implicated in questionable arms deals. Nevertheless, for only the second time in Malaysia's history, there is a real chance for achieving political change, and the possibility of a two-party system with a viable non-racial alternative to BN's unchecked dominance. The challenge for the opposition is to drive the change that Malaysians have voted for. The country's future as a multi-racial liberal economy stands before Anwar and his colleagues. Whether it moves forward into a new era of honest endeavour or falls in racial tension and fear politics is yet to be decided. But the door is finally open. - The Canberra Times Natasha Rudra is a staff journalist. She was born in Malaysia. |
Malaysia’s democratic opening
| Malaysia’s democratic opening | | | |
| Posted by kasee | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| The historic defeat on Malaysia's ruling coalition represents a break with the closed, racialised politics that have dominated the country's politics since independence in 1957, says Bridget Welsh. As the results of Malaysia's general election poured in on the evening of 8 March 2008, it became clear that the country's voters had delivered an unprecedented blow to the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front / BN) led by prime minister Abdullah Badawi. The severe losses of the incumbent coalition - five (out of Malaysia's thirteen) state governments, eighty-two seats in the 222-seat national parliament, and a major swing against the non-Malay component parties within the multi-ethnic coalition - mean that the election marks a new political chapter in Malaysian history. After fifty years of rule by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) - the dominant party in the BN coalition - the signs of a shift are unmistakable: towards a new system of checks and balances, away from the racial politics that have characterised the country's history since independence in 1957, and wider democracy. The government's hubris The reasons for the BN loss have more to do with the BN's lacklustre performance under Abdullah Badawi than the strength of the opposition. In his four years in office, Abdullah has managed to maintain the economic growth that was indicative of the tenure of his predecessor Mahathir Mohamad who governed for twenty-two years, but he was ineffective in channelling the benefits to ordinary citizens. The record levels of inflation, comparatively lower wages, increased lack of confidence in Abdullah's management and persistent corruption translated into massive disgruntlement among Malaysians of all races. Malaysians were squeezed, as economic gains were seen to be disproportionately directed toward an increasingly arrogant political elite, notably leaders of UMNO. This declining economic legitimacy was compounded by a shocking record of managing ethnic relations, particularly of the concerns of the non-Malays. Chinese, Indian and East Malaysian voices were ignored and often insultingly dismissed as rising Malay chauvinism went unchecked within Abdullah's party. In fact, he harnessed racial identity to buttress his position within the party, rejuvenating the racially implemented affirmative action policy of the "new economic policy" (NEP) and lost the confidence of the non-Malay community in the handling of the sensitive expansion Islamic governance. The failure of Abdullah's leadership on non-Malay issues was best illustrated by the debacle of the Hindraf affair, an unprecedented protest in November 2007 by Indian Malaysians (organised by the Human Rights Action Force coalition) drawing attention to poverty and the discrimination against their community. The BN government arrested the leaders and immediately scheduled elections after this event, hoping to win on the back of the Malay vote this election. This was a serious miscalculation. To add insult to injury, Abdullah used this election to try to strengthen his base within his own party, by promoting loyal new candidates and dropping established and popular veterans. These misjudgments provoked a revolt within UMNO, that even pledges of resources and concerted attempts at rift-mending could not resolve. Internal BN factionalism was exacerbated by rushed negotiation over seats with the component parties in the coalition that only served to weaken the electoral machinery of the incumbent government further. The opposition's snowball The three main opposition political parties - the Anwar Ibrahim multi-racial Parti Keadilan Rakyat (National Justice Party / PKR), the Chinese-based Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Islamic Parti Islam sa-Malaysia (Islamic Party of Malaysia / PAS) - collectively benefited from the overall unhappiness with the government. The bonds between the opposition have been forming Since the heyday of the reformasi era in 1998-99 - during which Anwar Ibrahim (then Mahathir's deputy prime minister) was arrested and convicted in a political witchhunt (he was released from prison in 2004, and his ban on standing for political office expires in April 2008). They may differ in their ideological outlook, but in this election they entered into a non-aggression pact and (with a few minor exceptions in East Malaysia) did not compete against each other. Each section of the opposition openly encouraged its supporters to vote for its anti-government partners - irrespective of the party involved, and regardless of race. Anwar Ibrahim served as a bridge between the ideologically divided PAS and DAP and transformed his party from one relying on Malay vote to a multiracial one. This involved painful decisions, including an open rejection of the NEP and consistent calls on Malaysian identity, not individual racial identity. It worked, as all opposition parties gained ground. The campaigns of the opposition were fundamentally different from earlier elections. Their ambition was defined and modest, with an aim of breaking the BN's two-thirds' majority in parliament which gives the party a stranglehold on government. This approach snowballed into broader national support - partly because it was a stark contrast to the hubris of the BN government, whose posters projected "only one choice", when in fact there was an alternative to choose from. Another source of opposition influence was Abdullah's own political liberalisation in areas such as civil society and political assembly, which had created conditions for more mobilisation by his critics. It was the opposition's ability to bypass the government-linked establishment media - through the internet, blogs, emails and send messages (SMS) - that enable it to get its messages across more effectively. They had thirteen days to do so, the longest campaign in Malaysia's history, and were able to respond to the BN's campaign themes. On the defensive, the BN increasingly was caught in a lie, from the crowd levels at opposition rallies to its figures on the economy. The BN was not able to move itself out of its paternal mindset of an increasingly sophisticated and informed electorate. Their ads touting "be grateful for what you have" grated on an electorate facing tight economic circumstances and (in the case of non-Malays) exclusion. The final self-inflicted wound for the BN came in the last stages of the campaign, when it launched an all-out personal attack on Anwar Ibrahim; this backfired in the Malay community, the very ethnic base that the BN was depending on to win in a polity that has traditionally voted along ethnic lines. This reaction became part of a general trend as Malaysians abandoned the pattern of ethnic voting, with all groups voting for the opposition in large numbers; the largest anti-government swing was in the Indian Malaysian community, which has traditionally been loyal to the BN coalition. A Malaysian farewell The final worry of the campaign was the electoral process. Malaysian elections have usually been free, but not fair. The push for electoral reform since 2004, which included a mass rally of over 40,000 in November 2007, put this issue centre-stage. The opposition intentionally asked its voters to vote late in the afternoon to reduce the opportunity for the BN to replace registered voters with "phantoms" or "clones". This BN practice did happen, but not to expected levels - in part due to failings in the BN machinery. Concerns about irregularities remain an issue; but they have been overshadowed by the sheer force of opposition gains, which is a testimony to the power of Malaysians' discontent with their rulers. The election results will bring greater democracy to Malaysia. A stronger opposition will bring more checks and balances at the national level; and in state governments the push for transparency, against corruption, and potentially for the introduction of local elections will open Malaysian elections further. The move toward multiracialism also offers the space for widening of civil liberties across racial boundaries. These steps won't be easy, but the 8 March polls signify a rupture with the closed racialised politics which have dominated the country for decades. - OPEN DEMOCRACY.NET Bridget Welsh is assistant professor in southeast Asian studies at Johns Hopkins University. Among her publications is (as editor) Reflections: The Mahathir Years (JHU/SAIS, 2004) |
Najib Must Step Forward Now
| Najib Must Step Forward Now | | | |
| Posted by Raja Petra | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| By Little Bird This is the consensus opinion among ALL UMNO members except Khairy Jamaluddin. Khairy is now frantic. He is using all means at his disposal (money and threats) to stem what appears to be an unstoppable rumbling in UMNO to get Badawi to leave. Many interesting scenarios are being discussed. There is strong undercurrent in UMNO Johor to move for a vote of no confidence in Badawi. Mukhriz Mahathir is supposed to make a Press Statement that Pemuda UMNO Kedah or something has no more confidence in Badawi and wants him to step down. Many UMNO boys have started gathering around Najib Tun Razak. The widespread feeling in UMNO is if Najib takes just one step forward and says Badawi must resign, almost the entire UMNO party will fall in behind him. Badawi will leave within seven days. However, Khairy is holding a trump card over Najib's wife, Rosmah. And folks say it involves the case. Yet others say that snuffing out someone's life has not been an obstacle to moving up the ladder in UMNO. Recall Mustakizah the Video Shop owner. She was murdered too. Murderers not caught. So even if Badawi quits, there may not be anyone to take over. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has been suggested as a possible interim leader. That is a long shot. Here is another scenario - which many say is more likely. Anwar Ibrahim will qualify to stand for elections come April 14th. If Wan Azizah makes way for him, he will become an MP. The scenario being painted is that Anwar will then make a deal with Khairy. He will come back into UMNO as party president, bringing along some Parliamentary seats occupied by Malay members of PKR. Khairy will become his Deputy. Impossible? Think again. This is UMNO. Anything is possible. Badawi wants his S-I-L to be a full Minister in Cabinet but he has been told that the timing is not right. The party will revolt. We are headed towards very confusing and dangerous times. Time to turn down the volume and work quietly and quickly. |
Parliament and the Federation may be the most important winners of these elections
| Parliament and the Federation may be the most important winners of these elections | | | |
| Posted by labisman | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| By 'Abidin Muhriz It is easy to succumb to hyperbole after what might initially seem to be seismic shifts. But I do not hesitate to add my falsetto to the growing chorus declaring a political tsunami. The first thing to do is to congratulate all new and returning members of the Dewan Rakyat and state assemblies. Every one of them should now be fully aware that what the rakyat giveth, they can taketh away. Over the next few days there will be page upon page dwelling on what went so dreadfully wrong, or screen upon screen dwelling upon what went so fantastically right. There will be ink splashed on how BN will adjust with the drubbing of the MCA and MIC, and there will be pixels dancing to how the DAP, PKR and PAS will form a long-term working relationship with one another. But I want to talk about something else. Liberty. This word did not feature in a single 2008 election manifesto. But when Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaimed independence he declared Malaya "for ever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice". Whatever the intentions of Malaysians on polling day, they have undoubtedly strengthened the primary institution discharged with the duty of protecting their liberty: Parliament. Our Federal Constitution has been amended nearly seven hundred times by some accounts: a small sample includes amendments to automate Royal Assent to bills, expel Singapore and most recently, raise the retirement age of the Elections Commission Chairman. The government party have 64% of the seats in the Dewan Rakyat from the 52% they obtained in the national vote, for which they have First Past The Post to thank (I hasten to add however that I am no supporter of proportional representation for the lower house). BN will now have to rely much more on argument and persuasion if it hopes to amend the Constitution, and even legislation once seen as routine will be subject to much more scrutiny than before. A proper mechanism for whipping may evolve as empowered backbenchers weigh the pros and cons of defying the diktat of their party machinery. In short, Parliament will have to be listened to, and so it will want the independence and resources to run its own affairs. A well-stocked library. Access to researchers. Parliamentary-issued BlackBerries. Roofs which don't leak. By contrast, the USA has amended its Constitution 27 times. They have another layer of protection preventing their Constitution being tampered willy-nilly: the requirement that three-fourths of the states approve it. This is just one of the features of the USA's federal structure. Despite evidence that Kedah has existed as a separate sultanate since 1136, never mind the founding of Malacca, states' individual flavours and identities have been ever more diminished by the growth of federal power. But federalism is another word barely mentioned by any of the political parties. Nonetheless the collective victories of DAP, PKR and PAS – it is fallacious to refer to them as "the opposition" in the five states where they are forming government – may herald a new era in the relationship between the federal and state administrations. It is of course entirely possible for state governments to hamper federal initiatives; and for federal government to slow the flow of cash. But such measures are limited by the Constitution – and the culprits will also have to face the eventual wrath of the rakyat. State government (and the local councils it appoints, or enables the election of) is by definition closer to the people than federal government – closer to street lighting, rubbish collection and tree cutting. Not very glamorous, but vital to the freedom of citizens to live in secure, comfortable and pleasant neighbourhoods. This devolution enables the townsfolk of Seremban to demand different things to the city dwellers of Kuala Terengganu; the new political balance will require Mentris Besar and Chief Ministers to be alert to appraising and responding to these desires. I started with our first Prime Minister, and I end with our first Yang di Pertuan Agong Tuanku Abdul Rahman, whose commitment to federal parliamentary democracy never floundered. He vociferously denounced the MacMichael treaties which had formed the Malayan Union, campaigning strongly for the Federation of Malaya, and during his federal reign he flatly refused to sack the Prime Minister, arguing that would interfere with the sovereignty of parliament. This time, it is the rakyat who have called for the strengthening of these checks and balances. There are many others, of course, and the Malaysia Think Tank London will be exploring them throughout the remainder of the year in a series of seminars which will be announced after the post-election hullabaloo dies down. |
Breaking News : Badawi & Khairy Abandoned
| Breaking News : Badawi & Khairy Abandoned | | | |
| Posted by Raja Petra | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| Little Bird During the time of Mahathir, thousands would be waiting at PWTC on election night. The next day, when Badawi held the poorly planned Press Conference, again there were few supporters around him. But among those around him were Shahrizat Jalil who has lost her seat and Rafidah Aziz who now hails from the Opposition run State of Perak. An idiot Prime Minister surrounded by losers. |
What Now, Opposition?
| What Now, Opposition? | | | |
| Posted by Raja Petra | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| The Malays were smart enough to dump UMNO when they saw it to be unable to deliver its promises so it’s not inconceivable for the Malays to join what they perceive to be a ‘Chinese’ party when they see that the party delivers what they promise. Farouk A. Peru The right to rejoice certainly belongs to the tireless workers and supporters of the opposition who, though their hard work and unshakeable faith, have managed to take no less than 5 states from Barisan National last Saturday. We must now ask the question: Where do we go from here? Is it possible that in 5 or so years, we will see another political tsunami that will wipe out BN completely from our political landscape or, pessimistically speaking, we will see a repeat of what happened in 1999, when PAS raised the spectre of the Islamic State. The Barisan Alternative of the day fell apart when the DAP pulled out, citing their opposition to the Islamic State. PAS has been uncharacteristically quiet about the Islamic State, although they haven’t renounced the idea overtly. They have also appointed a DAP man to the EXCO seat in Kedah, showing a magnanimity which has been sorely lacking thus far in the opposition’s internal politics. Does this mean however, that PAS has truly changed it’s position vis-à-vis the Islamic State? If this is the case then, the streams of thought which exist within PAS vary on a very basic level. The establishment or resurrection of the Islamic State is a concern which occupies the mind of most if not all Islamist parties and so, for an Islamic party like PAS to put that agenda on the back-burner, one must aspect a backlash from the more conservative elements within PAS itself. Then we have the PKR which has touted itself as a multiracial party and perhaps in due course, can be seen to be one. However, it’s de facto leader must show himself to be following through when it comes to his promise to rid Malaysia of the NEP. It will not be easy for him to do so without his supporters at least questioning his actions, if not leaving him altogether. He will have to really stay the course for this to succeed. As for the DAP, it remains the party which has struggled for a Malaysian Malaysia for decades. By this fact alone, all Malaysians should support it but because it has gained a reputation as a Chinese party, Malays have by far and large left it alone. Perhaps the DAP can kill off this reputation for good when they govern Penang in a such a way that the fruits of their socialist principles will speak for itself. The Malays were smart enough to dump UMNO when they saw it to be unable to deliver its promises so it’s not inconceivable for the Malays to join what they perceive to be a ‘Chinese’ party when they see that the party delivers what they promise. We Malaysians really should be happy at what our collective consciousness has brought forth in terms of election results. Perhaps never again can the ruling party get complacent and feel that they can do anything they choose to the rakyat. However, the point in history we’re on isn’t the end of the struggle but the beginning. Right now, we have a chance to see if the opposition whom we have entrusted to carry out the duty of governance will follow through or will become another Pak Lah type story… Set a |
Opposition must treasure this golden opportunity
| Opposition must treasure this golden opportunity | | | |
| Posted by Raja Petra | |
| Tuesday, 11 March 2008 | |
| The main scourge of this country is corruption, which is the root cause of high crime rate and inefficient government which in turn is a contributing cause to economic hardships manifested by stagnant economy and runaway inflation. Kim Quek Malaysian Election 2008 has heralded the arrival of a new era. The spectacular election results demonstrated in no uncertain terms that the racial bondage that has imprisoned this country for 50 years has finally begun to disintegrate under the combined onslaught of PKR, DAP and PAS. Not only the target of breaking Barisan Nasional’s long-standing two-thirds parliamentary majority was achieved, but more importantly, the opposition has unexpectedly captured the heartland states of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah, in addition to retaining Kelantan in a landslide. These achievements would not have been possible, if not for the new ground boldly broken into by the electorates themselves – hordes of Chinese and Indians who never supported PAS before had rushed to vote for the latter, while Malays in unprecedented numbers had voted for DAP. And needless to say, all the three major races have supported PKR enthusiastically. It is this willingness to break the racial and religious taboos (which have been instilled into the people by BN) that has opened up a new vista of great opportunity for the nation, made possible through the electorate’s new-found wisdom of choosing a government not based on race or religion but on merits. Henceforth, political parties must fight their battles with sound policies and ideals and records that are most attuned to the welfare of the masses, not by appealing to the primordial instincts of race and religion; as the electorate are clearly discarding the latter for the former. This will surely result in vast improvement in governance through better selected political leadership. However, this rosy scenario may come to naught if the opposition parties fail to transcend their differences and work together effectively as a team to transform promises into realities. COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP None of the opposition parties has a simple majority in any of the state assemblies of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah, so they have no choice but to form coalitions if they want to rule these states. Since coalition is thrust upon them, they must form a political partnership, and this partnership should logically also extend to states where a partner may have only one seat, namely Penang (PAS: 1) and Kedah (DAP: 1). The inclusion of PAS and DAP in Penang and Kedah respectively will ensure that policies made in these states will have taken cognizance of the interests and views of the constituents represented by these parties in these states. Besides, these minor inclusions will help to foster solidarity among partners and minimize dissatisfaction of minority constituents in these states. A major failure of the BN model of leadership is the over-concentration of power on the leader and the lack of mutual respect and genuine consultation among partners, as the former encourages corruption and abuse of power while the latter will doom the partnership to eventual disintegration through desertion by the victimized partners. Hence, the opposition parties must genuinely practice collective leadership in the state governments, not only to avoid pitfalls of BN but to ensure long term flourish of the partnership. All policies and major decisions must be the product of consultations, not whims of the autocrat. With the understanding that the leader is but the executor of policies, which in turn are collectively decided, the choice of the leader (chief minister or menteri besar) should not be an over-sensitive issue, as long as the decision is collectively made and the candidate is deemed suitable. TOP PRIORITY The main scourge of this country is corruption, which is the root cause of high crime rate and inefficient government which in turn is a contributing cause to economic hardships manifested by stagnant economy and runaway inflation. We have promised the electorate to wipe out this vice, so anti-corruption measures must be on the top of the opposition agenda. As a start, I propose these two immediate measures: One, push for public declaration of assets of all elected representatives, with those in PKR, DAP & PAS taking the lead. All opposition-controlled state governments should include in their official websites a section showing the assets of all assemblymen. Pass a resolution to call for these public declarations if BN assemblymen are reluctant to do so. These asset details should be updated regularly. Two, make it compulsory for all contracts under state government control to go through open and transparent tendering system: all tenders to be advertised and tender prices announced promptly (including posting in official website) upon closing of tenders. All tenders to be evaluated professionally with known criteria and awarded through the tender board. PUBLIC SUPPORT CRUCIAL Now that the electorate has given the mandate to the opposition parties to govern these states, the people can help to make these new governments a success by giving them whole-hearted support and constructive criticisms where they are due. We must not forget that Malaysia has been badly managed for a long time, and it is only through maximum co-operation from the public, that the arduous task of reforming an old and impaired system can be speedily accomplished. As for the opposition parties, this is a once in a lifetime opportunity to demonstrate their competence to take over the helm of the entire country by doing a good job of running these states. This, I am sure, can be achieved if the leadership of these three parties are willing to put the nation above personal or parochial party interests at all times. And let all adopt the motto: “The nation must always come first, no matter what happens”. |
BN punished for breaching social contract
| BN punished for breaching social contract |
| PJ708 | Mar 11, 08 5:40pm |
| BN failed to realise that they had breached the social contract a very long time ago. To them (some of their arrogant ministers have used this term in the past, albeit without knowing its true meaning), they actually thought that the electorate in the past had give them a carte blanche to do anything they wished to the detriment of all Malaysians save for a select few. We have ministers who arrogantly say, "The people elected us". They were drunk of this fact. Not surprisingly, whilst in their politically drunken stupor, they failed to realise that the same "people" could send them to political oblivion as well. They had breached the social contract and knowing that they could get away with it after the last few decades, they went on to demean, mock and scorn this concept. But the social contract is a true and living concept. It is there. Its terms are real and the consequences of its breach will be seen eventually. The contract can be taken away when it has been breached by any government as was seen last Saturday. We gave up some of our rights to be governed by the government of the day, otherwise all of us would be no different from the law of the Wild Wild West. Giving up these rights doesn’t mean it is given up forever, because pursuant to the concept of the social contract, it can be taken back. It was the electorate’s rights to self-govern that were traded in exchange for these MPs to form the government to govern. Breach the contract to govern effectively and properly, then the contract is breached and the electorate takes back these rights to be given to others. I was not even registered as a voter until December 2007. What made me drag myself to the nearest post office to register? It’s because I felt that the social contract has been breached (especially when I read and heard more and more of the antics of one non-elected relation of the PM and the squandering of taxpayers’ monies). I always believed in this concept right from the time I read about it during my 1st year of reading law. Looking at the results now, I am extremely delighted that I played a part in it by voting for the very first time in my life! I suppose now that there were thousands who felt the same way as I did. To our new heroes in the four states of Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor. I wish you the very very best and I am confident that you will do a great job as the new state government. But I must caution you of this: "Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely". The BN had their own customised concept of "Power corrupts, absolute power is even more exciting!", and eventually had their faces dragged through mud for this. To our own Nelson Mandelas and Martin Luther Kings at Kamunting now, I salute you for the sheer guts and nerves you displayed in walking up and testing the racist BN. So to the Barisan Alternatif, do remember the concept of the social contract. Entrench this firmly into your actions and goals and I dare say that you will be on your way towards forming the next federal government, perhaps in 2012-13. |
