PKR threatens to pull out of Perak state gov't
Mar 13, 08 1:52pm
Just as one fire has been doused in Perak over the appointment of a PAS man as the new mentri besar post, another one is taking place.
PKR has today threatened to pull out from the Perak coalition government on hearing that eight of the 10 executive council posts will go to DAP while the remaining two going to other parties.
In a statement issued by PKR deputy president Syed Husin Ali, the opposition party expressed its objection to “the agreement made between PAS and DAP with regards to the composition of the Perak state exco”.
“In the spirit of sincere openness, we stress that the composition of the exco must reflect the composition of the population of Perak and represent the interests of all ethnic groups fairly,” said Syed Husin.
“We ask that this composition be discussed again and if the composition is not altered to the satisfaction of all parties involved, PKR will not take part in the administration of Perak.”
However, he said that PKR will honour its agreement to support the coalition government.
According to available statistics, Malays represent 53.7 percent of the population in Perak, Chinese (31.4 percent) and Indians (13 percent).
It is believed that an earlier agreement between the three parties was for the 10 exco posts to be distributed among them where DAP will have six, PKR two and PAS two.
In last Saturday’s general election, the opposition won an unprecedented 31 of 59 state seats - DAP 18, while PKR has seven and PAS six. The remaining 28 are in the hands of BN, with Umno 27 and MCA 1.
According to Syed Husin, PKR accepts Sultan Azlan Shah’s decision to appoint PAS state assemblyman, Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, as menteri besar of Perak.
“While at first we stressed the need to choose an individual that will be well received by the majority, we now accept the decision in the spirit of cooperation between PKR, PAS and DAP as well as in the interests of stability and harmony for Perak and for the whole of Malaysia.”
Furore in Perak
Yesterday, DAP supremo Lim Kit Siang created a furore when he said DAP would boycott the swearing-in ceremony today in protest against Nizar’s appointment as mentri besar.
However, in a dramatic reversal this morning, he apologised for any offence caused to the Perak royalty over his statement, which he said was not made out of disrespect to the Perak sultan and regent.
Meanwhile, state DAP chairperson and Sitiawan state assemblyperson Ngeh Khoo Ham told Malaysiakini that all the party’s elected representatives will attend the swearing in ceremony before the Sultan of Perak in Kuala Kangsar at 4pm.
Malaysiakini’s news reports, columns, opinions, letters and analyses.
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
The Malay Votes DAP!
The Malay Votes DAP!
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
Active Image
Can you imagine, Malays who for a life time being told that their enemy comes in the shape of the red Rocket, putting an "X" against the Rocket? It must have been the hardest thing to do for many of them, if not most. And yet they did it.
Paul Warren
Kit has still not got around to feeling like DAP is now government. He still thinks he has to oppose everything!
Kit has to realise that the DAP's role for now and for the remaining five years is to address the senses and sensivities of all those Malays who voted for DAP, the red Rocket.
Can you imagine, Malays who for a life time being told that their enemy comes in the shape of the red Rocket, putting an "X" against the Rocket? It must have been the hardest thing to do for many of them, if not most. And yet they did it.
If Kit lacks imagination let me help him see better.
Just look at the ordinary Malay who had for a life time been supporting UMNO and looked upon UMNO as his personal saviour.
Ever since 2004 he has been finding himself in a state of confusion, and he was unable to voice it lest he be called a traitor to the race. Yet the arrogance, the lies and the failures of his leaders were not lost on him. The unsympathetic attitude towards the non-Malays, he too noted. He did know that this was not part of the Malay culture.
Leading up to 8 March, he was reduced to embarrassment for his race if the behaviour of UMNO and its leaders was what UMNO represented.
He is angry now too. So angry that he will give the devil a hearing. But he knows in his heart that its a river fraught with uncertainty, more so, one that may put his race and religious leanings on an unknown plateau. But he has to cross it.
He wakes up in the morning for his morning prayer, having had such a restless night. He pleads to his Allah to just consume him completely so that he need not feel the guilt of casting his vote for that kafir Rocket. He even sheds a tear for he knows what he has to do.
He tries, but breakfast is just so hard to swallow. He feels the hollow in his gut and the shortness of breath. Takes his shower, puts on his best and like the condemned who steps out for the last time from his cell to be hung, he steps out of his house. Even asking to be forgiven for his actions.
The way to the polling station is just a stoid blank. All that he knows is that he may have been UMNO or a PAS supporter all his life. They are of his kind. The Rocket represents gambling, alcohol, pork, chauvinism. That is what he has been told and that is all that he has believed. And yet there is something from deep within that tells him he must.
Now he goes through the gates of the polling station. Enquires and determines the classroom he has to cast his vote in. He prepares to get his wallet out to retreive his MyKad. His hands shiver. He is unable to apply pressure on his MyKad to pinch and pull it out of the wallet.
He takes a deep breath and utters a prayer. Manages to pull out the MyKad. He puts the wallet in his back pocket. Looks up to the classroom. Another deep breath. Wills himself to walk. He is not thinking anymore. His head is spinning. What he has set himself to do goes against everything he has known about himself and his place in this God given land.
He cannot think anymore. He can feel a dampness in his eyes. He knows why he is grieving. He just does not know if he indeed is the personification of Judas or Brutus. Judas, maybe not. He has not received his 30 pieces of silver. No one offered. But Brutus?
He is begining to feel his leg shiver. Then go jelly. He does not feel the concrete under his feet. He has to go up the stairs to his polling station. He grabs hold of the hand rail. For the first time he needs support and for the first time he recognises and acknowledges his trepidation.
Takes another deep breath, and summons all his strength to walk up the two flights of steps briskly. Approches the entrance to the classroom. Does not look at or acknowledge the policeman sitting at the door. He catches his breath. His heart is heavy. His mind a blank. He is on auto-pilot.
There is just one person queing ahead of him. Just darkness in his mind. But then again coming right up to here he has not really considered the consequences of his actions. He now sees himself accused the traitor of the community. He sees himself approaching Allah upon his death. He is lost for words to account for his actions. He needs time to reconsider. He has not looked at all the issues and the factors. But it is now his turn. It is too late.
He can feel his throat becoming dry. There is shortness of breath. There is anxiety. Hands over his I/C and that BN issued card that sets out his Electoral Roll details. He does not hear the SPR official call out his 4 digit Polling Station number. He does not hear his name. Here on he is on auto pilot. Nothing registers. Takes the ballot paper that is handed to him. Halts and takes a look at it. He just cannot read anything. He just looks at the symbols. The "dacing", and below that the Rocket and what looks like a strange Chinese name.
He just cannot feel anything now. He walks towards the polling booth. He is almost blinded. He is in a state of confusion. Its contradicting and conflicting emotions. One last time he does not feel the concrete below him. His legs are like jelly and it is like as if there is a force that is providing him motion. It is not him anymore. He has turned into his booth. He sees the black leaded pencil. Stares at it. The final stabbing. Hesitantly he picks up the pencil and takes a look at it. Brutus' dagger!
He puts the ballot paper flat on the school desk. Its a primary school. The desk top is even lower. He stoops and takes one last look at the ballot paper. He sees the dacing.
There is adrenaline. His blood is pumping. He feels the energy. The energy of betrayal. Not his. UMNOs! His eyes are burning with anger. He knows it is not him but it is UMNO that has destroyed all traces of what he knows to be a Malay. It is not about ketuanan. It is not about bullying. It is not about being inhospitable. It is not about being arrogant. It is not about being deceitful. It is not about being corrupt. It is not about being liars. It is not about being cheaters. And certainly it is not about arrogance. We are humble people.
His blood boils. He is an angry man. For himself. His country. His race. His religion. His family. His community. He feels cheated. By UMNO.
Takes one last look. His hands go straight to the bottom of the ballot. The empty square next to the rocket is his target. He presses hard on the pencil so that he makes a deep impression. Top left to bottom right he draws the first line. Then from the bottom left to the top right he crosses the first. It is to DAP. The deed is done. Ceaser, is slain!
Puts down the pencil. The deed is done. He does not want to look. He folds the ballot paper through misty eyes. First one. Then another fold.
There is a certain sense of peace. The rush of adrenaline has quietened. The warm to hot sensation is quickly being replaced by an uncanny coldness. Cold sweat!
Takes a step back. Looks straight ahead at the transparent ballot box. Gives it a sceptic's snigger. Walks straight up. But the walk is heavy. Each step is heavy. He feels the hardness of the concrete. Drops it and watches it as it reaches the pile of ballots already in there. Somehow he knows that he is not all alone. Those other ballots are those from his friends and neighbours. No, they did not speak about who they were going to vote for. They had not colluded. It has all come together. No. They had also not gone to any DAP ceramahs either. They only debated about UMNO. There was hardly any discussion about the DAP. The red Rocket! The demon!
Takes a deep breath and with a sigh of relief that the deed is done, he moves out unsure, confused, lost. But he only has one thing to console him. It needed to be done.
He goes home. Quiet. Recoiled and in deep thought about what he has done. He does not speak or acknowledge anyone. He can't afford to look at another in his or her eye. But then the other is also lost in the same dilemma. Yet unable to share. This is a burden he has to carry himself.
The night of the results, he waits anxiously. He worries and is sad to see the walls of Jericho crumbling. He is silent. He has no opinions. Then it is the Parlimentary and State Constituency that he voted in. There is a buzz in his ears. He just does not register. There is not a celebration. His wife, teenaged children, they are shocked. They look fearfully anxious. There is despair in the air. Almost coming to tears. He looks at them starring at them questioningly. They can see that he did not register. They all are looking at him like as if they have seen a ghost.
Then the young one comes up to him, hesitating, quivering and almost in tears. Takes hold of the wooden arm of the rattan chair. "Pak. Pak. DAP menang, UMNO kalah. UMNO kalah."
Long pause. Silence. Everyone look at him with wide open eyes for a response. They wait.
"Inshiallah".
He does not speak a word. He gets up. He goes to the bedroom. Closes the door. Pulls out his prayer rug. Goes down on the floor. Tears in his eyes. Is it a prayer of thanksgiving? Is it a prayer of despair? Is it a prayer of anxiety?
I don't know. I shall never know.
I am not Malay. I am Bangsa Malaysia. But tears are welling up in my eyes as I write this last bit.
Lim Kit Siang. I do hope you read this!
MCA leadership rooted in crisis
MCA leadership rooted in crisis
Stanley Koh | Mar 13, 08 11:20am
As the Chinese saying goes, "xin xin zhi huo, zu yi liao yuan" (it just takes a few sparks to inflame a vast land).
This begs the question from public onlookers asking whether the recent MCA party’s disastrous electoral performance is the only catalyst that has sparked off an open challenge against president Ong Ka Ting.
What makes it more significant about this active campaign calling for Ka Ting to graciously step down from the party stems from the fact that many of these active supporters were his former staunched supporters in "Team A".
Detractors to the president believed that Ka Ting is making a desperate attempt to diffuse calls for his resignation which is reaching a crescendo of attacks against his poor leadership quality. They were also responding to Ka Ting’s tactical announcement that he had rejected a cabinet post or any government post.
Many have questioned the validity of Ka Ting’s claim on the rejection since the appointment of government posts is the prerogative of the prime minister.
Less Cabinet reps
Numerous voices including former national party leaders, state chiefs and active grassroots leaders across the country have echoed their demand in rejecting Ka Ting’s offer to revamp the party and making it more relevant to the community.
"Ka Ting’s rejection of government posting is irrelevant and invalid. Appointment of government posts is the prerogative of the prime minister," a former MCA party secretary general Dr Ting Chew Peh said.
It widely speculated under the new government line-up, the MCA’s share of ministerial posts in Cabinet will be reduced from five to possibly three and the number of deputy ministers be cut back from 9 to 5.
It is also speculated that Ka Ting has recommended his brother, Ong Ka Chuan to be appointed as the new Housing and Local Government Minister. However, circulating rumours speculated that there are objections from certain influential quarters. So it remains to be seen whether this recommendation will be accepted.
Meanwhile the stream of criticism had surfaced publicly from within the MCA circle, seriously casting doubts on Ka Ting’s leadership quality. An outspoken former MCA minister indirectly criticising the president, said, " A poor quality leader is a person who claims credit for himself but when achievements by the party is not met, he claims collective responsibility."
"If the president cares for the party, he should graciously step down, as the party cannot afford another election battle that will bring more low morale and bad publicity for MCA."
It is learnt that Ka Ting will be calling a central committee meeting this weekend presumably to resolve the dissension and particularly on calls for his stepping down.
Wrong advisers around Ong
Responding to the party president’s latest move to call a central committee meeting, a party insider who once was aligned to Team A faction, said, "This is another old manipulative trick which were once used by a former party president during the Ling-Lim factional crisis period."
"I was in Team A before, so I know what I’m talking about. Some 80 per cent of the central committee members have been defeated in the recent polls comprising new faces. Some have personal agendas to support the party president. But the most important argument I stress here is that the central committee under such circumstances cannot be seen to be reflective of the views of the party members."
An irate party state leader from Johore quipped, "The problem of the party president is that he is surrounded by wrong advisers and among the few is a national-level leader (declined to name the leader) who has benefited the most from the party headquarters. This person is well known for grabbing the most tenders on projects."
Ironically, Ka Ting was also believed to be a key advisor to Dr Ling Liong Sik before he prematurely stepped own as party president in 2003
Latest reported in the mainstream dailies that detractors calling for the resignation of Ka Ting are considering holding a referendum to decide whether the party president should step down.
In fact, the history of MCA is characterised by serious internal strife and crises confronting changes in leadership transitions.
Many older generations among the Chinese community can still recall the controversial factional infighting from the leadership era of Lee San Choon to that of the Ling (Liong Sik) - Lim (Ah Lek) crisis in the recent past.
Following the 1969 general election, when the party lost control of the Penang state government and was decimated in Perak and elsewhere, MCA was out of the Malaysian Cabinet. The party also effectively lost control of the key ministries including the finance portfolio.
Further undermined by the party’s declining influence over the Chinese community, in 1971, a reform movement was launched by young turks from within by leaders like Alex Lee, Dr Lim Keng Yaik, Paul Leong and several others.
Unhealthy political culture
A party crisis erupted and many in the movement were expelled from the party in 1973 resulting in many joining Gerakan. When Lee San Choon took over the leadership baton from Tan Siew Sin in 1974, both the older and younger generation of reformers were no longer in the party.
Lee San Choon faced his first challenge in 1977 in a later leadership crisis when he tried to retire Lee Siok Yew as deputy president, showing preference to Chong Hin Nyan as a replacement. But the surprising outcome saw Michael Chen Wing Sum emerged as the deputy president. The episode of the party crisis deeply divided the party. It was with this scenario that the MCA entered the 1978 general election.
In recent times, the Ling (Liong Sik)-Lim (Ah Lek) crisis of MCA ended when former premier Dr Mahathir initiated a peace plan in 2002. Both Ka Ting and Kong Choy were appointed president and deputy president on May 23, 2003 when the predecessors Liong Sik and Ah Lek stepped down as a formula to end the protracted crisis within the party.
In May 2003, the MCA central Committee elected both Ka Ting and Kong Choy as president and deputy respectively. At the party elections held on August 2005, both were elected by central delegates to their respective posts after warding off challenges from former vice-president Chua Jui Meng Team B) and secretary general Dr Ting Chew Peh.
It was after the election results that the president openly announced that MCA had no more factions.
But the current leadership challenge against Ka Ting is happening now, barely less than three years since the last party elections in 2005. What went wrong?
Is it due to the unhealthy political culture of the party system in not instituting a more democratic practice in top leadership transition and the replacement of stewardship at the higher rung? Was Ling Liong Sik wrongly advised by anointing a successor disregarding participatory democratic principles of a party election process in resolving the internal power struggle during his time?
Malaysiakini will be posting more articles examining in greater detail on Ling’s past leadership succession plan which propelled Ong Ka Ting into the presidency position bypassing more senior leaders in his rank.
Stanley Koh | Mar 13, 08 11:20am
As the Chinese saying goes, "xin xin zhi huo, zu yi liao yuan" (it just takes a few sparks to inflame a vast land).
This begs the question from public onlookers asking whether the recent MCA party’s disastrous electoral performance is the only catalyst that has sparked off an open challenge against president Ong Ka Ting.
What makes it more significant about this active campaign calling for Ka Ting to graciously step down from the party stems from the fact that many of these active supporters were his former staunched supporters in "Team A".
Detractors to the president believed that Ka Ting is making a desperate attempt to diffuse calls for his resignation which is reaching a crescendo of attacks against his poor leadership quality. They were also responding to Ka Ting’s tactical announcement that he had rejected a cabinet post or any government post.
Many have questioned the validity of Ka Ting’s claim on the rejection since the appointment of government posts is the prerogative of the prime minister.
Less Cabinet reps
Numerous voices including former national party leaders, state chiefs and active grassroots leaders across the country have echoed their demand in rejecting Ka Ting’s offer to revamp the party and making it more relevant to the community.
"Ka Ting’s rejection of government posting is irrelevant and invalid. Appointment of government posts is the prerogative of the prime minister," a former MCA party secretary general Dr Ting Chew Peh said.
It widely speculated under the new government line-up, the MCA’s share of ministerial posts in Cabinet will be reduced from five to possibly three and the number of deputy ministers be cut back from 9 to 5.
It is also speculated that Ka Ting has recommended his brother, Ong Ka Chuan to be appointed as the new Housing and Local Government Minister. However, circulating rumours speculated that there are objections from certain influential quarters. So it remains to be seen whether this recommendation will be accepted.
Meanwhile the stream of criticism had surfaced publicly from within the MCA circle, seriously casting doubts on Ka Ting’s leadership quality. An outspoken former MCA minister indirectly criticising the president, said, " A poor quality leader is a person who claims credit for himself but when achievements by the party is not met, he claims collective responsibility."
"If the president cares for the party, he should graciously step down, as the party cannot afford another election battle that will bring more low morale and bad publicity for MCA."
It is learnt that Ka Ting will be calling a central committee meeting this weekend presumably to resolve the dissension and particularly on calls for his stepping down.
Wrong advisers around Ong
Responding to the party president’s latest move to call a central committee meeting, a party insider who once was aligned to Team A faction, said, "This is another old manipulative trick which were once used by a former party president during the Ling-Lim factional crisis period."
"I was in Team A before, so I know what I’m talking about. Some 80 per cent of the central committee members have been defeated in the recent polls comprising new faces. Some have personal agendas to support the party president. But the most important argument I stress here is that the central committee under such circumstances cannot be seen to be reflective of the views of the party members."
An irate party state leader from Johore quipped, "The problem of the party president is that he is surrounded by wrong advisers and among the few is a national-level leader (declined to name the leader) who has benefited the most from the party headquarters. This person is well known for grabbing the most tenders on projects."
Ironically, Ka Ting was also believed to be a key advisor to Dr Ling Liong Sik before he prematurely stepped own as party president in 2003
Latest reported in the mainstream dailies that detractors calling for the resignation of Ka Ting are considering holding a referendum to decide whether the party president should step down.
In fact, the history of MCA is characterised by serious internal strife and crises confronting changes in leadership transitions.
Many older generations among the Chinese community can still recall the controversial factional infighting from the leadership era of Lee San Choon to that of the Ling (Liong Sik) - Lim (Ah Lek) crisis in the recent past.
Following the 1969 general election, when the party lost control of the Penang state government and was decimated in Perak and elsewhere, MCA was out of the Malaysian Cabinet. The party also effectively lost control of the key ministries including the finance portfolio.
Further undermined by the party’s declining influence over the Chinese community, in 1971, a reform movement was launched by young turks from within by leaders like Alex Lee, Dr Lim Keng Yaik, Paul Leong and several others.
Unhealthy political culture
A party crisis erupted and many in the movement were expelled from the party in 1973 resulting in many joining Gerakan. When Lee San Choon took over the leadership baton from Tan Siew Sin in 1974, both the older and younger generation of reformers were no longer in the party.
Lee San Choon faced his first challenge in 1977 in a later leadership crisis when he tried to retire Lee Siok Yew as deputy president, showing preference to Chong Hin Nyan as a replacement. But the surprising outcome saw Michael Chen Wing Sum emerged as the deputy president. The episode of the party crisis deeply divided the party. It was with this scenario that the MCA entered the 1978 general election.
In recent times, the Ling (Liong Sik)-Lim (Ah Lek) crisis of MCA ended when former premier Dr Mahathir initiated a peace plan in 2002. Both Ka Ting and Kong Choy were appointed president and deputy president on May 23, 2003 when the predecessors Liong Sik and Ah Lek stepped down as a formula to end the protracted crisis within the party.
In May 2003, the MCA central Committee elected both Ka Ting and Kong Choy as president and deputy respectively. At the party elections held on August 2005, both were elected by central delegates to their respective posts after warding off challenges from former vice-president Chua Jui Meng Team B) and secretary general Dr Ting Chew Peh.
It was after the election results that the president openly announced that MCA had no more factions.
But the current leadership challenge against Ka Ting is happening now, barely less than three years since the last party elections in 2005. What went wrong?
Is it due to the unhealthy political culture of the party system in not instituting a more democratic practice in top leadership transition and the replacement of stewardship at the higher rung? Was Ling Liong Sik wrongly advised by anointing a successor disregarding participatory democratic principles of a party election process in resolving the internal power struggle during his time?
Malaysiakini will be posting more articles examining in greater detail on Ling’s past leadership succession plan which propelled Ong Ka Ting into the presidency position bypassing more senior leaders in his rank.
On PAS' Nizar is new Perak
On PAS' Nizar is new Perak
AL Lim: To those who wish for a Chinese MB in Perak, I say: Be patient. A time will come too in Malaysia, where race is no longer an obstacle. To force the issue now is to commit longer-term political suicide.
Most Malays have never trusted the DAP, perceiving it to be chauvinistic and uncouth. And yet, for the first time ever, hundreds of thousands of them voted for the 'rocket' this election, giving the DAP resounding victories in many racially mixed constituencies such as Klang, Serdang and Rasah.
A move to appoint a Chinese MB in what is traditionally seen as a Malay state will ensure that the Malays will never again vote for the DAP. A DAP government in Perak will be a short-lived one. It may not even last till the next General Election. The Malays will flock back in droves to a resurgent Umno the 'protector' of the Malay race.
I urge the DAP leadership to forsake short-term gain to ensure the stabililty of the country and the progressive development of multi-racial politics in this country. Don’t be greedy. Be content with governing Penang for now. Govern it well, and you might not have to wait 45 years for a non-Malay PM.
BR Supporter: The PAS candidate as Perak MB is not an issue at all for the Barisan Rakyat. What is important is how the rulling coalition will work together to weed out all types of corruption and prove their sincerity in fulfilling the promises made prior to the election.
No one should look at a person as a Malay, Chinese or Indian but rather as a capable leader. Look at India, although the majority of the population is Hindu they had Abdul Kalam as the president of India once and that worked very well. Let us all put the differences aside and support the Sultan's decision.
Edwin Choo: I really don't give a damn which party the chap comes from. I don't see a Malay, Chinese or Indian. I only see a Malaysian. If this Malaysian can actually bring everyone together, work fairly, honestly and wisely towards delivering and fulfilling all election promises, why should it matter which race or what colour or creed or religion he belongs to? Focus! Focus! Focus! Stay positive and stay strong Perak!
Cheang: Is not a bad decision from the Sultan. In fact is a good one. Ngeh has been made the deputy menteri besar. that already a big bonus for the Chinese community in Perak. Always start from bottom. It is not easy for the Sultan also, don’t you think? Bravo Ngeh, do your best job.
DR Tey TF: A golden opportunity has been given by the appointment of a PAS MB in Perak. This is the best chances for the Alternative Front to prove to all Malaysians that it can work and prosper. Please act wisely, don't screw up this only golden chance. You need to look beyond the smaller differences in order to fulfill the bigger objective.
Kok Khean: I'm deeply disappointed with the decision on our new Perak MB. DAP had won the most seats, second PKR and PAS last. How can PAS take the Perak MB’s post when it does not represent all Perakians?
Sure, the under the state constitution, the menteri besar has to be a Malay Muslim but there is a provision that allows the Sultan to waive this requirement. Isn't it time for axe this silly requirement? Specifying an MB according to race and religion is no longer revelant in this century and is out-dated. The fundamental democratic process is being ignored.
Audrey Wong: Disappointing decision. Why not from PKR if it has to be a Malay?
Kok Siang Chai: Is this fair? Why can’t a Chinese be the MB? The new government says that it will be fair but I dont think this is so.
Citizen 4 Equality: What a disappointment for Perak. The DAP should have the first right to the MB’s post. The Sultan should have done the right thing and should have approved Ngeh (DAP state chairman) as the MB. We had the chance to show Malaysia and the world that we wanted multi-culturalism and equality for all.
Now the rakyat will see the system as undemocratic, unfair and racially biased. I heard that the DAP is going to boycott the swearing-in ceremony, quite rightly too. MCA, Gerakan, MIC are going to exploit this to the max. Going forward, we should have a constitutional reform. We are all Malaysians and there should be full equality before the law.
AL Lim: To those who wish for a Chinese MB in Perak, I say: Be patient. A time will come too in Malaysia, where race is no longer an obstacle. To force the issue now is to commit longer-term political suicide.
Most Malays have never trusted the DAP, perceiving it to be chauvinistic and uncouth. And yet, for the first time ever, hundreds of thousands of them voted for the 'rocket' this election, giving the DAP resounding victories in many racially mixed constituencies such as Klang, Serdang and Rasah.
A move to appoint a Chinese MB in what is traditionally seen as a Malay state will ensure that the Malays will never again vote for the DAP. A DAP government in Perak will be a short-lived one. It may not even last till the next General Election. The Malays will flock back in droves to a resurgent Umno the 'protector' of the Malay race.
I urge the DAP leadership to forsake short-term gain to ensure the stabililty of the country and the progressive development of multi-racial politics in this country. Don’t be greedy. Be content with governing Penang for now. Govern it well, and you might not have to wait 45 years for a non-Malay PM.
BR Supporter: The PAS candidate as Perak MB is not an issue at all for the Barisan Rakyat. What is important is how the rulling coalition will work together to weed out all types of corruption and prove their sincerity in fulfilling the promises made prior to the election.
No one should look at a person as a Malay, Chinese or Indian but rather as a capable leader. Look at India, although the majority of the population is Hindu they had Abdul Kalam as the president of India once and that worked very well. Let us all put the differences aside and support the Sultan's decision.
Edwin Choo: I really don't give a damn which party the chap comes from. I don't see a Malay, Chinese or Indian. I only see a Malaysian. If this Malaysian can actually bring everyone together, work fairly, honestly and wisely towards delivering and fulfilling all election promises, why should it matter which race or what colour or creed or religion he belongs to? Focus! Focus! Focus! Stay positive and stay strong Perak!
Cheang: Is not a bad decision from the Sultan. In fact is a good one. Ngeh has been made the deputy menteri besar. that already a big bonus for the Chinese community in Perak. Always start from bottom. It is not easy for the Sultan also, don’t you think? Bravo Ngeh, do your best job.
DR Tey TF: A golden opportunity has been given by the appointment of a PAS MB in Perak. This is the best chances for the Alternative Front to prove to all Malaysians that it can work and prosper. Please act wisely, don't screw up this only golden chance. You need to look beyond the smaller differences in order to fulfill the bigger objective.
Kok Khean: I'm deeply disappointed with the decision on our new Perak MB. DAP had won the most seats, second PKR and PAS last. How can PAS take the Perak MB’s post when it does not represent all Perakians?
Sure, the under the state constitution, the menteri besar has to be a Malay Muslim but there is a provision that allows the Sultan to waive this requirement. Isn't it time for axe this silly requirement? Specifying an MB according to race and religion is no longer revelant in this century and is out-dated. The fundamental democratic process is being ignored.
Audrey Wong: Disappointing decision. Why not from PKR if it has to be a Malay?
Kok Siang Chai: Is this fair? Why can’t a Chinese be the MB? The new government says that it will be fair but I dont think this is so.
Citizen 4 Equality: What a disappointment for Perak. The DAP should have the first right to the MB’s post. The Sultan should have done the right thing and should have approved Ngeh (DAP state chairman) as the MB. We had the chance to show Malaysia and the world that we wanted multi-culturalism and equality for all.
Now the rakyat will see the system as undemocratic, unfair and racially biased. I heard that the DAP is going to boycott the swearing-in ceremony, quite rightly too. MCA, Gerakan, MIC are going to exploit this to the max. Going forward, we should have a constitutional reform. We are all Malaysians and there should be full equality before the law.
Tian Chua: Opposition merger next
Tian Chua: Opposition merger next
Soon Li Tsin | Mar 13, 08 12:17pm
New Batu MP Tian Chua believes that a merger between the opposition parties will be the next step in reinforcing their stand as a viable alternative government.
Dispelling rumours of bickering between DAP, PKR and PAS in media reports, Chua does not see this as a problem for the opposition coalition.
"I don’t think it is any problem that people are putting their thoughts forward and arguing - all this is part of creating a democratic culture. So I won’t characterise this is a form of bickering," he told Malaysiakini.
On Saturday, the PKR information chief defeated BN’s Lim Si Pin with a 9,455 majority.
Opposition candidates grabbed 82 of the 222 parliament seats, which also led to BN’s biggest election setback in history.
Approached for a brief interview at the PKR headquarters in Kuala Lumpur yesterday, Chua jovially said, "Sure, if you are okay with me answering my phone," while multi-tasking away in attending to a large stack of unopen letters.
Malaysiakini: Describe your feelings about winning the elections.
It is something that the people have been expecting for a long time. So finally it came. Now it is time for us to work and ensure that the people's aspiration is fulfilled. Whatever it is Malaysia has touched the threshold of democratisation. So we are heading towards a full fledge multi-party democracy.
What was the 13-day campaign period like?
It was a very intensive campaign. It was a very encouraging experience in the way we receive support from all quarters, where we see how people are enthusiastic and are ready for change.
How will take you bring political and activist experience to Parliament?
An MP’s job is to bring out issues concerning the rights of the people. So in that sense Parliament should accommodate diversity and pluralism - this is the social reality. So it is quite natural in our national political discourse that there must be different voices. Hence, I could represent one of these voices. But at the same time I speak for the people especially those in my constituency. So those are the multiple roles we have to play.
There are talks that BN might consider becoming a multiracial singular party. What are your views about this?
The writing is on the wall. Only a multiracial party now could survive. I don’t know if BN is talking about it. The problem is whether Umno and MCA are ready for transformation. From what I see, it doesn’t look likely. It doesn’t look like they are ready for it yet.
What are your thoughts on a possible merger or a pact between DAP, PAS and PKR to form an ‘alternative government’?
We stood (in the elections) under three separate entities, negotiations and discussions are natural. I think because we are much more transparent, there is a lot more access to media so people describe it as bickering (between the parties).
I don’t think it is any problem that people are putting their thoughts out and arguing - all this is part of creating a democratic culture. So I won’t characterise this is a form of bickering. On the contrary, I think bickering is happening on the other side (BN’s) but that is not our problem.
I think a merger is something we have to think about as the next step. Currently, the first thing to do is to present a team that can work together in fulfilling our pledge in the elections. Then parties that feel they have an additional need to cooperate and build with can start talking about mergers. That would be the next step.
Let us form the government first and build confidence in each other and put away some of the old prejudices against each other. That would be a giant step ahead.
You mentioned ‘forming a government’, so does this mean the opposition will have to prove themselves that they can form a viable alternative government in the next four years?
I think it may not take four years for us to prove ourselves. We have a mandate of five years, we will make sure that within our mandate we will work well. I’m confident that the cooperation will be strengthened and we could deliver what we promised.
What do you think are your challenges in your new role as MP?
Now it is time to consolidate a bi-party system of Parliament since we are now a big bloc. We have an opportunity to not only criticise the government but to articulate our principles and try to present the objectives if our coalition parties’ struggle to the public as a form of preparation to show that we can govern at the federal level.
Last time you went to Parliament, you were arrested. The next time you go in, you’ll be entering the Dewan Rakyat as an MP. How does that make you feel?
(Laughs) Well, it’s nothing. Last time it was the mistake of the police but that was not their fault. The circumstances at that time is very different from now so I’m confident there will be a lot of changes, even among the police.
What main issues will you raise in Parliament?
I think there are a lot of issues. I think it is too narrow to say that I have ten of five major issues. It is not like 81 other members of Parliament have their own wish list. In the elections we can put out key wish list but what matters now is how we can use our collective wisdom to push as much change as possible with the strength of our numbers.
So now it is about teamwork and how we will do it. For example, how do we expand the space for civil rights? Then we have to think about our strategies n how do we present ourselves to reform the education system? So there is a major block of work to be done.
This cannot be the usual opposition way whereby you file your motion and sit and wait for your turn. No. There is a real chance if we play our cards well, substantial legislative change can happen. I think now it is for us, all the elected members to sit down and think how to use our strength for change.
Have you had enough rest since elections ended?
(Laughs) No, no - rest is always the problem. After the elections the responsibility and burden is much higher so we have to cope with it.
Soon Li Tsin | Mar 13, 08 12:17pm
New Batu MP Tian Chua believes that a merger between the opposition parties will be the next step in reinforcing their stand as a viable alternative government.
Dispelling rumours of bickering between DAP, PKR and PAS in media reports, Chua does not see this as a problem for the opposition coalition.
"I don’t think it is any problem that people are putting their thoughts forward and arguing - all this is part of creating a democratic culture. So I won’t characterise this is a form of bickering," he told Malaysiakini.
On Saturday, the PKR information chief defeated BN’s Lim Si Pin with a 9,455 majority.
Opposition candidates grabbed 82 of the 222 parliament seats, which also led to BN’s biggest election setback in history.
Approached for a brief interview at the PKR headquarters in Kuala Lumpur yesterday, Chua jovially said, "Sure, if you are okay with me answering my phone," while multi-tasking away in attending to a large stack of unopen letters.
Malaysiakini: Describe your feelings about winning the elections.
It is something that the people have been expecting for a long time. So finally it came. Now it is time for us to work and ensure that the people's aspiration is fulfilled. Whatever it is Malaysia has touched the threshold of democratisation. So we are heading towards a full fledge multi-party democracy.
What was the 13-day campaign period like?
It was a very intensive campaign. It was a very encouraging experience in the way we receive support from all quarters, where we see how people are enthusiastic and are ready for change.
How will take you bring political and activist experience to Parliament?
An MP’s job is to bring out issues concerning the rights of the people. So in that sense Parliament should accommodate diversity and pluralism - this is the social reality. So it is quite natural in our national political discourse that there must be different voices. Hence, I could represent one of these voices. But at the same time I speak for the people especially those in my constituency. So those are the multiple roles we have to play.
There are talks that BN might consider becoming a multiracial singular party. What are your views about this?
The writing is on the wall. Only a multiracial party now could survive. I don’t know if BN is talking about it. The problem is whether Umno and MCA are ready for transformation. From what I see, it doesn’t look likely. It doesn’t look like they are ready for it yet.
What are your thoughts on a possible merger or a pact between DAP, PAS and PKR to form an ‘alternative government’?
We stood (in the elections) under three separate entities, negotiations and discussions are natural. I think because we are much more transparent, there is a lot more access to media so people describe it as bickering (between the parties).
I don’t think it is any problem that people are putting their thoughts out and arguing - all this is part of creating a democratic culture. So I won’t characterise this is a form of bickering. On the contrary, I think bickering is happening on the other side (BN’s) but that is not our problem.
I think a merger is something we have to think about as the next step. Currently, the first thing to do is to present a team that can work together in fulfilling our pledge in the elections. Then parties that feel they have an additional need to cooperate and build with can start talking about mergers. That would be the next step.
Let us form the government first and build confidence in each other and put away some of the old prejudices against each other. That would be a giant step ahead.
You mentioned ‘forming a government’, so does this mean the opposition will have to prove themselves that they can form a viable alternative government in the next four years?
I think it may not take four years for us to prove ourselves. We have a mandate of five years, we will make sure that within our mandate we will work well. I’m confident that the cooperation will be strengthened and we could deliver what we promised.
What do you think are your challenges in your new role as MP?
Now it is time to consolidate a bi-party system of Parliament since we are now a big bloc. We have an opportunity to not only criticise the government but to articulate our principles and try to present the objectives if our coalition parties’ struggle to the public as a form of preparation to show that we can govern at the federal level.
Last time you went to Parliament, you were arrested. The next time you go in, you’ll be entering the Dewan Rakyat as an MP. How does that make you feel?
(Laughs) Well, it’s nothing. Last time it was the mistake of the police but that was not their fault. The circumstances at that time is very different from now so I’m confident there will be a lot of changes, even among the police.
What main issues will you raise in Parliament?
I think there are a lot of issues. I think it is too narrow to say that I have ten of five major issues. It is not like 81 other members of Parliament have their own wish list. In the elections we can put out key wish list but what matters now is how we can use our collective wisdom to push as much change as possible with the strength of our numbers.
So now it is about teamwork and how we will do it. For example, how do we expand the space for civil rights? Then we have to think about our strategies n how do we present ourselves to reform the education system? So there is a major block of work to be done.
This cannot be the usual opposition way whereby you file your motion and sit and wait for your turn. No. There is a real chance if we play our cards well, substantial legislative change can happen. I think now it is for us, all the elected members to sit down and think how to use our strength for change.
Have you had enough rest since elections ended?
(Laughs) No, no - rest is always the problem. After the elections the responsibility and burden is much higher so we have to cope with it.
Headlines online: March 13
Headlines online: March 13
Mar 13, 08 12:13pm
Malaysiakini compares the key news and views in major newspapers. What is today's agenda for the English, Bahasa, Tamil and Chinese papers?
Front page
English newspapers
The Sun, the Star and New Straits Times went to town over the cracks and crisis in the opposition parties in Perak due to the announcement that PAS’ Mohamad Nizar Jamaludin had been chosen as the state menteri besar.
New Straits Times and the Star also reported on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as having said the first cabinet meeting would be held next Wednesday. This means the new cabinet lineup may be announced as early as this coming Monday.
Malay newspapers
Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian also carried reports on the crisis over the Perak MB. Berita Harian reported on the PM’s announcement of the next cabinet meeting next Wednesday.
Utusan Malaysia also led with the PM warning Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng not to cause tensions. Lim had announced yesterday that among Penang’s first moves after coming into power was to end carrying out the pro-bumiputera NEP in the state.
Tamil newspapers
Tamil Nesan led with MIC president S Samy Vellu saying that he would work together with his former deputy S Subramaniam to strengthen the party.
In Makkal Osai, Samy Vellu is quoted as saying that he does not want any post in the cabinet.
Editorial
New Straits Times said Penang’s new government must get over its ‘honeymoon’ euphoria soon and get down to managing the nuts-and-bolts business of a government in transition.
Berita Harian urged for the appointment of all state menteris besar to be according to their respective constitutions.
Following Penang’s announcement yesterday to dismantle the NEP, Utusan Malaysia called for the ruling DAP government to guard against inciting racial tensions.
Tamil Nesan commented on the overall good results in last years’ SPM results. A total of 6,247 candidates scored As in all the subjects that they sat for, an improvement from 2006 when there were only 5,685 straight-A scorers.
Mar 13, 08 12:13pm
Malaysiakini compares the key news and views in major newspapers. What is today's agenda for the English, Bahasa, Tamil and Chinese papers?
Front page
English newspapers
The Sun, the Star and New Straits Times went to town over the cracks and crisis in the opposition parties in Perak due to the announcement that PAS’ Mohamad Nizar Jamaludin had been chosen as the state menteri besar.
New Straits Times and the Star also reported on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as having said the first cabinet meeting would be held next Wednesday. This means the new cabinet lineup may be announced as early as this coming Monday.
Malay newspapers
Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian also carried reports on the crisis over the Perak MB. Berita Harian reported on the PM’s announcement of the next cabinet meeting next Wednesday.
Utusan Malaysia also led with the PM warning Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng not to cause tensions. Lim had announced yesterday that among Penang’s first moves after coming into power was to end carrying out the pro-bumiputera NEP in the state.
Tamil newspapers
Tamil Nesan led with MIC president S Samy Vellu saying that he would work together with his former deputy S Subramaniam to strengthen the party.
In Makkal Osai, Samy Vellu is quoted as saying that he does not want any post in the cabinet.
Editorial
New Straits Times said Penang’s new government must get over its ‘honeymoon’ euphoria soon and get down to managing the nuts-and-bolts business of a government in transition.
Berita Harian urged for the appointment of all state menteris besar to be according to their respective constitutions.
Following Penang’s announcement yesterday to dismantle the NEP, Utusan Malaysia called for the ruling DAP government to guard against inciting racial tensions.
Tamil Nesan commented on the overall good results in last years’ SPM results. A total of 6,247 candidates scored As in all the subjects that they sat for, an improvement from 2006 when there were only 5,685 straight-A scorers.
DAP its own worst enemy
DAP its own worst enemy
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
Active Image
The Malays are prepared to accept a Chinese Menteri Besar. The Malays are prepared to accept a Chinese Menteri Besar even if that Chinese is from DAP. And the Malays left it entirely to Tuanku to decide if Tuanku wants a Malay or Chinese Menteri Besar, never mind from which political party he may be from.
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
The last few days, while everyone was still in euphoria and celebrating the recent 'victory' in the 12th general election, a few Malays who can be regarded as from amongst the elite, intellectual, progressive and privileged-class were busy meeting and planning preparations for the next general election due in 2013 if this government goes the full five-year term. Yes, even before the Perak and Selangor state governments could take their oath of office, this handful of people were already hard at work contemplating the next election in five years time though most of these 'concerned' Malays do not even know if they are going to still be alive five years from now.
The plan was simple. Leave PKR to its own devises and allow it to sort out its affairs. After all, PKR has Anwar Ibrahim and who better than this one-time Finance Minister cum Deputy Prime Minister to sort out the party that was born out of his six years incarceration. DAP and PAS, however, would need some weaning. And they would have to be cajoled and coaxed into a massive image makeover from the present Ketuanan Cina or Chinese chauvinism and Islamic fundamentalist or extremist/Taliban baggage that they are currently carrying.
The make-up of this group of Malays was quite a mixed bag. There were Umno die-hards, civil society movements types, revolutionary wannabes; basically not the usual Malays you would meet in a mosque or government department. But they were Malays and Muslims nevertheless. The only difference about these Malays as opposed to the 'usual' Malays was that they all shared one thing in common -- they would like to see emerge in Malaysia a single 'race' that no longer carried the label of Malay, Chinese and Indian and who were no longer separated by religious differences and intolerance.
I woke up early this morning to start updating Malaysia Today and after a ten-hour stint left for a 6.00pm meeting followed by a dinner appointment. I returned home at 1.00am and thought that I could at last jump into bed and get a good night's sleep. Twenty hours is, after all, a long haul and a 57 year old man like me needs as much beauty sleep as he can get. But sleep eludes me. I have been told that there are problems with forming the Selangor and Perak state governments and the problem appears to be DAP.
There goes our plan of transforming the Chinese face of DAP. There also goes our plan of transforming the Taliban face of PAS. It now looks like we shall have to go back to the drawing board and rethink our entire strategy.
The 'secret agenda' we hatched was to build up a group of Malays who share the same aspirations of seeing a one-Malaysian race emerge from the ashes of Barisan Nasional's 'defeat' in the last general election. Barisan Nasional is about race and was founded on race. It also needs to make race the main issue to stay relevant. If race no longer becomes the issue, then Barisan Nasional becomes irrelevant. And this can only happen if DAP is no longer perceived as a Chinese party and PAS a Taliban party.
It is now past 2.00am and I am still not asleep. I might as well stay awake and make it a 24-hour 'shift'. So, instead of hitting the sack, I am writing this article because if I don't then I can't sleep anyway so it makes no difference.
The PAS problem is simple. We are already talking to various non-Muslim Chinese to moot the idea of them joining PAS. We have of course not spoken to PAS yet so we really don't know if PAS will want non-Muslim Chinese as members. We hope they will though, as this will show the non-Muslims that PAS is not the enemy and that an Islamic party poses no danger to those not of the Muslim faith.
DAP is more dicey. They will of course not turn away Malays, as in the past Malays have even held key positions in the party. The question would be whether DAP would accept Malays as equals the same way they rant and rave that Chinese must be accepted as equals and that there should not be any first-class and second-class citizens. It is easy to dispense medicine but not that easy to take the same medicine you dispense others.
How wonderful to see Indians and Chinese not of the Muslim faith running around in PAS. How equally wonderful to see intellectual, progressive, elite and privileged-class Malays 'infesting' DAP. The mobilising would take over two or three years. Then, in 2010 or so, the exodus of non-Muslim, non-Malays into PAS and the Malays into DAP would commence in time for the next general election in 2012 or 2013. In one swoop, PAS and DAP would be transformed into true multi-racial, multi-religious parties and, together with PKR, Malaysians would have three 'Rakyat Malaysia' parties to choose from.
DAP says, never mind whether it is a black cat or a white cat. The most important thing is that the cat catches the mouse. DAP says, there must be a one-Malaysian race and not Malaysians labelled as Malays, Chinese and Indians. The Malays are ready for this. At least the intellectual, progressive, elite and privileged-class Malays are. And they are also ready to see the end of the New Economic Policy and a policy that considers deserving and needy cases, plus merit, as its replacement.
It takes two hands to clap though. The Malays are ready to take that one step forward. But if DAP keeps taking one step backwards, then that bridge can never be built and the divide will never be eliminated. Why must it always be Malays who are asked to sacrifice? Malays are prepared to sacrifice. But why must it be only the Malays who are asked to sacrifice? Should not nation-building be everyone's duty and not the duty of just one race.
The Malays are prepared to accept a Chinese Menteri Besar. The Malays are prepared to accept a Chinese Menteri Besar even if that Chinese is from DAP. And the Malays left it entirely to Tuanku to decide if Tuanku wants a Malay or Chinese Menteri Besar, never mind from which political party he may be from. But DAP won't accept a Malay Menteri Besar regardless if the Malay is from DAP, PKR or PAS. It must only be a Malay Menteri Besar who is not from PAS.
DAP says, this is people's power. DAP says, the people are the boss. This has been DAP's rallying call and battle-cry from one election to another. The 2008 general election was about people's power. The people demonstrated who is the boss in the 2008 general election. But DAP does not respect people's power nor regard the people as the boss in its decision to defy Tuanku by boycotting the swearing in of the Perak state government.
Anwar Demands `Major' Changes in Malaysia Race Rules
Anwar Demands `Major' Changes in Malaysia Race Rules PDF Print E-mail
Posted by kasee
Thursday, 13 March 2008
By Stephanie Phang and Angus Whitley
March 13 (Bloomberg) -- Malaysia's opposition parties, fresh from their biggest electoral gains ever, have vowed to dismantle the country's legalized system of preferences for ethnic Malays. Doing so won't be easy.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said after the March 8 elections that ``major adjustments need to be made'' to the race rules. The parties will be able to accomplish some incremental progress toward that goal in the five states they won. They also will pressure the ruling National Front coalition to move quicker in easing the requirements.
For now, that's about all they will be able to achieve, because most of the system is controlled at the federal level by a set of 37-year-old directives known as the New Economic Policy, instituted to help the majority Malays catch up with Chinese business owners. States have little say over the NEP, and some regions controlled by the opposition are dominated by Malays who don't want their advantages undone.
``A lot of the laws are central and federal,'' said Ooi Kee Beng, an analyst at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. The opposition parties ``are in a daze and trying to feel their way around.''
Anwar's People's Justice Party, the Democratic Action Party and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, known as PAS, won enough seats to deny the ruling coalition the two-thirds majority it had enjoyed in parliament for 34 years.
Intel, Sony
They will stop setting aside projects for Malay businesses in their states, parting ways with National Front policies. These opposition-controlled areas include Penang, a base for Intel Corp., and Selangor, host to Sony Corp. Penang also plans to do away with racial quotas when licensing street vendors.
PAS, which has controlled northeastern Kelantan state since 1990, has said it doesn't discriminate based on race, and won't in Kedah, the state it has just won.
``That would resolve a major part of the problem, but only at the state level, where we are in charge,'' Anwar, 60, told reporters on March 11. ``Hopefully, things will change, but not in the very near future.''
Criticism of the rules was taboo after they were introduced in response to race riots in 1969. They were aimed at alleviating poverty and rebalancing national wealth concentrated in Chinese and British hands, a vestige of Malaysia's status as a U.K. colony until 1957.
`Creative Destruction'
Anwar's opposition to the NEP emerged over time. Early in his career, he was a champion of Malay preferences. Then, in 1998, he was ousted from the government and the ruling coalition's dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation, after calling for ``creative destruction'' of Malaysia's economic system. He later began criticizing the NEP for being used to justify institutionalized corruption.
Now he wants to dismantle it. ``The New Economic Policy benefits the few family members of the ruling establishment and their cronies,'' he said.
The ruling coalition has eased the rules as it tried to lure global investment capital from China and Vietnam and explored free trade accords with the U.S. and European Union.
Malaysia's reluctance to increase access to government contracts by changing pro-Malay policies is among issues that have delayed a deal, U.S. Assistant Trade Representative Barbara Weisel has said.
``The NEP is very subjective,'' said Gan Kim Khoon, head of equity capital markets at OSK Investment Bank Bhd. ``A lot of it is left to interpretation.''
Lower Grades
The rules give Malays preferences over Chinese and Indians in education, jobs and investments. The country's 19 public universities admit Malays with lower grades than Chinese and Indians. Companies must sell 30 percent of their shares to Malays and declare how many Malays they employ to be listed on the local stock exchange.
``The country's economic development has been possible despite this expanding web of rules because the government has applied pragmatic exemptions,'' said Song Seng-Wun, an economist at CIMB-GK Research in Singapore. Malaysia's economy has grown an average 6.8 percent a year since 1970.
Selected foreign investors have been allowed 100 percent ownership of their local businesses since then under special provisions. In 1995, the government announced the first of a series of regions where the NEP wouldn't apply. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, 68, launched a second such area in the southern state of Johor in 2006.
Suhaimi Ilias, an economist at Aseambankers Malaysia Bhd., a unit of the country's largest banking group, predicted Chinese and Indian parties in the UMNO-led coalition would call for the rules to be eased further.
``Whatever it is, something will happen,'' Suhaimi said. ``The whole point is about reinventing. And that's what this country needed going forward.''
While the opposition likely won't push for low-cost housing and other federal benefits to be dropped, the parties want them to be based on need, not race.
``Affirmative action will continue,'' Anwar said. Helping marginalized Malays ``will not be purely on the basis of race.''
To contact the reporters on this story: Angus Whitley in Kuala Lumpur at awhitley1@bloomberg.netThis e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
Posted by kasee
Thursday, 13 March 2008
By Stephanie Phang and Angus Whitley
March 13 (Bloomberg) -- Malaysia's opposition parties, fresh from their biggest electoral gains ever, have vowed to dismantle the country's legalized system of preferences for ethnic Malays. Doing so won't be easy.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said after the March 8 elections that ``major adjustments need to be made'' to the race rules. The parties will be able to accomplish some incremental progress toward that goal in the five states they won. They also will pressure the ruling National Front coalition to move quicker in easing the requirements.
For now, that's about all they will be able to achieve, because most of the system is controlled at the federal level by a set of 37-year-old directives known as the New Economic Policy, instituted to help the majority Malays catch up with Chinese business owners. States have little say over the NEP, and some regions controlled by the opposition are dominated by Malays who don't want their advantages undone.
``A lot of the laws are central and federal,'' said Ooi Kee Beng, an analyst at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. The opposition parties ``are in a daze and trying to feel their way around.''
Anwar's People's Justice Party, the Democratic Action Party and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, known as PAS, won enough seats to deny the ruling coalition the two-thirds majority it had enjoyed in parliament for 34 years.
Intel, Sony
They will stop setting aside projects for Malay businesses in their states, parting ways with National Front policies. These opposition-controlled areas include Penang, a base for Intel Corp., and Selangor, host to Sony Corp. Penang also plans to do away with racial quotas when licensing street vendors.
PAS, which has controlled northeastern Kelantan state since 1990, has said it doesn't discriminate based on race, and won't in Kedah, the state it has just won.
``That would resolve a major part of the problem, but only at the state level, where we are in charge,'' Anwar, 60, told reporters on March 11. ``Hopefully, things will change, but not in the very near future.''
Criticism of the rules was taboo after they were introduced in response to race riots in 1969. They were aimed at alleviating poverty and rebalancing national wealth concentrated in Chinese and British hands, a vestige of Malaysia's status as a U.K. colony until 1957.
`Creative Destruction'
Anwar's opposition to the NEP emerged over time. Early in his career, he was a champion of Malay preferences. Then, in 1998, he was ousted from the government and the ruling coalition's dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation, after calling for ``creative destruction'' of Malaysia's economic system. He later began criticizing the NEP for being used to justify institutionalized corruption.
Now he wants to dismantle it. ``The New Economic Policy benefits the few family members of the ruling establishment and their cronies,'' he said.
The ruling coalition has eased the rules as it tried to lure global investment capital from China and Vietnam and explored free trade accords with the U.S. and European Union.
Malaysia's reluctance to increase access to government contracts by changing pro-Malay policies is among issues that have delayed a deal, U.S. Assistant Trade Representative Barbara Weisel has said.
``The NEP is very subjective,'' said Gan Kim Khoon, head of equity capital markets at OSK Investment Bank Bhd. ``A lot of it is left to interpretation.''
Lower Grades
The rules give Malays preferences over Chinese and Indians in education, jobs and investments. The country's 19 public universities admit Malays with lower grades than Chinese and Indians. Companies must sell 30 percent of their shares to Malays and declare how many Malays they employ to be listed on the local stock exchange.
``The country's economic development has been possible despite this expanding web of rules because the government has applied pragmatic exemptions,'' said Song Seng-Wun, an economist at CIMB-GK Research in Singapore. Malaysia's economy has grown an average 6.8 percent a year since 1970.
Selected foreign investors have been allowed 100 percent ownership of their local businesses since then under special provisions. In 1995, the government announced the first of a series of regions where the NEP wouldn't apply. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, 68, launched a second such area in the southern state of Johor in 2006.
Suhaimi Ilias, an economist at Aseambankers Malaysia Bhd., a unit of the country's largest banking group, predicted Chinese and Indian parties in the UMNO-led coalition would call for the rules to be eased further.
``Whatever it is, something will happen,'' Suhaimi said. ``The whole point is about reinventing. And that's what this country needed going forward.''
While the opposition likely won't push for low-cost housing and other federal benefits to be dropped, the parties want them to be based on need, not race.
``Affirmative action will continue,'' Anwar said. Helping marginalized Malays ``will not be purely on the basis of race.''
To contact the reporters on this story: Angus Whitley in Kuala Lumpur at awhitley1@bloomberg.netThis e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
BN 'made big mistake with early polls and media attacks on Anwar'
BN 'made big mistake with early polls and media attacks on Anwar' PDF Print E-mail
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
Active Image
Another move that contributed to the BN's massive losses, said Dr Farish, was the decision to scrap the use of indelible ink, which had been aimed at curbing people from voting more than once.
Both strategies backfired and helped Anwar gain support for opposition: Experts
By Zackaria Abdul Rahim, THE STRAITS TIMES
THE ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition might have been able to prevent its election disaster had it let former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim run, a panel of experts in Singapore said yesterday.
Holding elections early allowed the charismatic opposition leader to roam round the country stumping for the opposition instead of being tied down to campaigning for himself in one constituency, they said.
That 'fundamentally flawed strategy' contributed to the big swing against the BN at the polls, concluded the panel at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) at Nanyang Technological University.
After his imprisonment for corruption, Datuk Seri Anwar was barred from holding public office until April 15. Thus he was free to campaign anywhere; he even gave a speech at a financial conference in Singapore last Wednesday, just days before the election.
The visit gave the government more fodder for the anti-Anwar campaign it conducted in the country's pro-government newspapers.
'Perhaps, for the Malay Muslim electorate, a certain sensitivity has been touched because this was a man who had been put in jail, beaten up by the IGP (Inspector-General of Police) of Malaysia,' said Dr Farish Noor, Senior Fellow at RSIS. 'He had been demonised in the media, and then there was this unrelenting attack on Anwar Ibrahim for four days.'
Voters in Kelantan and Terengganu receive only Berita Harian and Utusan newspapers, he noted.
'And the attacks in Utusan and Berita Harian took up half the contents of each paper,' he said.
'When you heap this relentless barrage of abuse on Anwar Ibrahim, without giving him a chance to even reply, the sympathy simply swung in his favour.'
Other members of the panel, chaired by Associate Professor Joseph Liow, RSIS' head of research, were: Professor Shamsul A.B., founding director of the Institute of Ethnic Studies at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia; RSIS' senior fellow, Mr Yang Razali Kassim; and Ms Jacqueline Ann Surin, former Sun journalist and founder of the website malaysiavotes.com.
Another move that contributed to the BN's massive losses, said Dr Farish, was the decision to scrap the use of indelible ink, which had been aimed at curbing people from voting more than once.
'This immediately sent out a very clear message to a lot of the supporters of PAS (Parti Islam SeMalaysia) and the opposition in particular that there is going to be massive vote-rigging, so you better go out and vote,' he said. 'Perhaps, it made the pro-government supporters a bit more lax.'
The presence of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin on the campaign circuit may have also backfired.
Dr Farish said that Mr Khairy, as the Umno deputy Youth chief, is projected as a role model for young Malaysians, but he really epitomises the gap between 'rich and poor' families.
'(So), some of the PAS leaders were quite happy when Khairy came to Kelantan,' he explained.
Thus, the panel yesterday agreed, the combined anger of not just the Chinese and Indians, but also the Malays, hurt the BN.
'It is quite clear it is the Malay backlash that pulled down the BN,' said Prof Shamsul.
He added that while Chinese voters are touchy about language, culture and education, Malay voters are protective of morality and Islam.
'It is quite interesting that the Malays have decided that the BN is not good morally and it doesn't look after Islam, and that's why we don't want you,' he said.
Dr Farish said that the Malay Muslim electorate has rejected the concept of Islam Hadhari promoted by Datuk Seri Abdullah in 2004.
He said that ordinary Malays see Islam Hadhari as building a 'RM250 million (S$109 million) Islamic theme park', - an allusion to the extravagant Crystal Mosque in Terengganu.
He showed a photo of a poster put up by PAS outside the mosque, which read: 'Never before this has a RM250 million mosque been built only for tourists. This is Islam Hadhari.'
Another poster reminded the electorate that Umno had destroyed mosques in the past.
Dr Farish interpreted the voters' thoughts as: 'Why should we build a mosque just to attract tourists. We want it for us.'
Yet another poster, with the tagline of Islam Hadhari, highlighted the social ills that have plagued Malaysia's Malays: Mat Rempit (biker gang), teenage couples holding hands, gangsterism in school, alcohol consumption and smoking.
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
Active Image
Another move that contributed to the BN's massive losses, said Dr Farish, was the decision to scrap the use of indelible ink, which had been aimed at curbing people from voting more than once.
Both strategies backfired and helped Anwar gain support for opposition: Experts
By Zackaria Abdul Rahim, THE STRAITS TIMES
THE ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition might have been able to prevent its election disaster had it let former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim run, a panel of experts in Singapore said yesterday.
Holding elections early allowed the charismatic opposition leader to roam round the country stumping for the opposition instead of being tied down to campaigning for himself in one constituency, they said.
That 'fundamentally flawed strategy' contributed to the big swing against the BN at the polls, concluded the panel at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) at Nanyang Technological University.
After his imprisonment for corruption, Datuk Seri Anwar was barred from holding public office until April 15. Thus he was free to campaign anywhere; he even gave a speech at a financial conference in Singapore last Wednesday, just days before the election.
The visit gave the government more fodder for the anti-Anwar campaign it conducted in the country's pro-government newspapers.
'Perhaps, for the Malay Muslim electorate, a certain sensitivity has been touched because this was a man who had been put in jail, beaten up by the IGP (Inspector-General of Police) of Malaysia,' said Dr Farish Noor, Senior Fellow at RSIS. 'He had been demonised in the media, and then there was this unrelenting attack on Anwar Ibrahim for four days.'
Voters in Kelantan and Terengganu receive only Berita Harian and Utusan newspapers, he noted.
'And the attacks in Utusan and Berita Harian took up half the contents of each paper,' he said.
'When you heap this relentless barrage of abuse on Anwar Ibrahim, without giving him a chance to even reply, the sympathy simply swung in his favour.'
Other members of the panel, chaired by Associate Professor Joseph Liow, RSIS' head of research, were: Professor Shamsul A.B., founding director of the Institute of Ethnic Studies at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia; RSIS' senior fellow, Mr Yang Razali Kassim; and Ms Jacqueline Ann Surin, former Sun journalist and founder of the website malaysiavotes.com.
Another move that contributed to the BN's massive losses, said Dr Farish, was the decision to scrap the use of indelible ink, which had been aimed at curbing people from voting more than once.
'This immediately sent out a very clear message to a lot of the supporters of PAS (Parti Islam SeMalaysia) and the opposition in particular that there is going to be massive vote-rigging, so you better go out and vote,' he said. 'Perhaps, it made the pro-government supporters a bit more lax.'
The presence of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin on the campaign circuit may have also backfired.
Dr Farish said that Mr Khairy, as the Umno deputy Youth chief, is projected as a role model for young Malaysians, but he really epitomises the gap between 'rich and poor' families.
'(So), some of the PAS leaders were quite happy when Khairy came to Kelantan,' he explained.
Thus, the panel yesterday agreed, the combined anger of not just the Chinese and Indians, but also the Malays, hurt the BN.
'It is quite clear it is the Malay backlash that pulled down the BN,' said Prof Shamsul.
He added that while Chinese voters are touchy about language, culture and education, Malay voters are protective of morality and Islam.
'It is quite interesting that the Malays have decided that the BN is not good morally and it doesn't look after Islam, and that's why we don't want you,' he said.
Dr Farish said that the Malay Muslim electorate has rejected the concept of Islam Hadhari promoted by Datuk Seri Abdullah in 2004.
He said that ordinary Malays see Islam Hadhari as building a 'RM250 million (S$109 million) Islamic theme park', - an allusion to the extravagant Crystal Mosque in Terengganu.
He showed a photo of a poster put up by PAS outside the mosque, which read: 'Never before this has a RM250 million mosque been built only for tourists. This is Islam Hadhari.'
Another poster reminded the electorate that Umno had destroyed mosques in the past.
Dr Farish interpreted the voters' thoughts as: 'Why should we build a mosque just to attract tourists. We want it for us.'
Yet another poster, with the tagline of Islam Hadhari, highlighted the social ills that have plagued Malaysia's Malays: Mat Rempit (biker gang), teenage couples holding hands, gangsterism in school, alcohol consumption and smoking.
NEP shouldn't be implemented at expense of minorities: PAS
NEP shouldn't be implemented at expense of minorities: PAS PDF Print E-mail
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
MALAYSIA'S conservative Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) yesterday said there were many good aspects to the New Economic Policy (NEP), but it should not be implemented at the expense of the minorities.
PAS president Hadi Awang's comments came a day after the Democratic Action Party (DAP) said that in Penang, it would dispense with the decades-old policy that favours Malays and indigenous ethnic groups.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the opposition would drop unfair elements in the programme that had drawn much flak from the Chinese, Indian and other minority ethnic groups, but did not specify exactly how the policy would now operate in the areas under PAS control.
PAS is part of an opposition coalition that rules the states of Selangor, Kedah and Perak, a result of the polls that saw a massive swing away from the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. The party, which is well known for its hardline Islamic stance, also runs the state government in Kelantan, where it has ruled for 18 years.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) had earlier said the NEP would be sidelined in the five states the opposition now controls, while new Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng had announced that the DAP-led coalition would dismantle the discriminatory policies in Penang, Malaysia's only Chinese-majority state.
Yesterday, PAS appeared to follow the moderate line set by its opposition partners PKR and DAP - that of looking out for the interests of both bumiputeras and other communities.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the opposition would retain the beneficial parts of the NEP, adding that it had previously failed because of Umno, the Malay party which leads BN.
'There are many aspects of the New Economic Policy which are good and can be implemented, but its failure is because of Umno's abuse of power, corruption and double standards,' he said.
'We will keep plans to help the poor Malays and the underprivileged, but we cannot rob non-Malays of their rights in the name of protecting Malay rights.'
One of the changes that the opposition is seeking to make is to increase transparency in business contracts.
The NEP favours bumiputeras in government contracts, something that has irked the non-bumiputera business community.
Datuk Seri Hadi said PAS-led state governments would implement an open tender system for government contracts, similar to that announced by the DAP's Mr Lim in Penang.
The DAP was part of an opposition coalition with PAS and Keadilan in the 1999 general election, but they broke ranks in 2001 because of the Islamic party's call for an Islamic state - a goal that PAS has since dropped.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the PKR was now acting as a mediator as the parties attempt to cobble together coalitions in newly acquired states.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
What is the NEP?
THE New Economic Policy (NEP) was born after violent racial clashes in 1969.
It was aimed at reducing the wealth gap between the Malays and Chinese. It was touted as a plan to eradicate poverty through the re-distribution of wealth in favour of bumiputeras (sons of the soil), who include Malays and indigenous groups.
Under the NEP, bumiputeras receive preferential discounts on house purchases, special allocations in public share issues and preferred status in the awarding of government contracts.
Previously, there were also university entrance quotas, but these have since been scrapped.
The NEP targets bumiputeras to achieve 30 per cent of corporate equity by 2020.
It appears to have worked to some extent: Their wealth has risen from just over 2 per cent in 1970 to about 19 per cent in 2004.
However, they are still behind the minority Chinese. Government statistics, for example, show that bumiputeras, including Malays, still have the lowest salaries in the country.
Complaints from some Malays, who say that the NEP now enriches only a small elite, and from minorities, who feel it discriminates against them, have prompted calls for its removal.
HAZLIN HASSAN
Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 13 March 2008
MALAYSIA'S conservative Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) yesterday said there were many good aspects to the New Economic Policy (NEP), but it should not be implemented at the expense of the minorities.
PAS president Hadi Awang's comments came a day after the Democratic Action Party (DAP) said that in Penang, it would dispense with the decades-old policy that favours Malays and indigenous ethnic groups.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the opposition would drop unfair elements in the programme that had drawn much flak from the Chinese, Indian and other minority ethnic groups, but did not specify exactly how the policy would now operate in the areas under PAS control.
PAS is part of an opposition coalition that rules the states of Selangor, Kedah and Perak, a result of the polls that saw a massive swing away from the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. The party, which is well known for its hardline Islamic stance, also runs the state government in Kelantan, where it has ruled for 18 years.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) had earlier said the NEP would be sidelined in the five states the opposition now controls, while new Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng had announced that the DAP-led coalition would dismantle the discriminatory policies in Penang, Malaysia's only Chinese-majority state.
Yesterday, PAS appeared to follow the moderate line set by its opposition partners PKR and DAP - that of looking out for the interests of both bumiputeras and other communities.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the opposition would retain the beneficial parts of the NEP, adding that it had previously failed because of Umno, the Malay party which leads BN.
'There are many aspects of the New Economic Policy which are good and can be implemented, but its failure is because of Umno's abuse of power, corruption and double standards,' he said.
'We will keep plans to help the poor Malays and the underprivileged, but we cannot rob non-Malays of their rights in the name of protecting Malay rights.'
One of the changes that the opposition is seeking to make is to increase transparency in business contracts.
The NEP favours bumiputeras in government contracts, something that has irked the non-bumiputera business community.
Datuk Seri Hadi said PAS-led state governments would implement an open tender system for government contracts, similar to that announced by the DAP's Mr Lim in Penang.
The DAP was part of an opposition coalition with PAS and Keadilan in the 1999 general election, but they broke ranks in 2001 because of the Islamic party's call for an Islamic state - a goal that PAS has since dropped.
Datuk Seri Hadi said the PKR was now acting as a mediator as the parties attempt to cobble together coalitions in newly acquired states.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
What is the NEP?
THE New Economic Policy (NEP) was born after violent racial clashes in 1969.
It was aimed at reducing the wealth gap between the Malays and Chinese. It was touted as a plan to eradicate poverty through the re-distribution of wealth in favour of bumiputeras (sons of the soil), who include Malays and indigenous groups.
Under the NEP, bumiputeras receive preferential discounts on house purchases, special allocations in public share issues and preferred status in the awarding of government contracts.
Previously, there were also university entrance quotas, but these have since been scrapped.
The NEP targets bumiputeras to achieve 30 per cent of corporate equity by 2020.
It appears to have worked to some extent: Their wealth has risen from just over 2 per cent in 1970 to about 19 per cent in 2004.
However, they are still behind the minority Chinese. Government statistics, for example, show that bumiputeras, including Malays, still have the lowest salaries in the country.
Complaints from some Malays, who say that the NEP now enriches only a small elite, and from minorities, who feel it discriminates against them, have prompted calls for its removal.
HAZLIN HASSAN
Revolution of the mind
Revolution of the mind
Azly Rahman | Mar 10, 08 1:14pm
“If we've lost, we've lost" - Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, at post-election press conference, March 9 2008
Kesilapan besar Abdullah antaranya walaupun beliau mempunyai anggota Majlis Tertinggi Umno dan Kabinet sebagai penasihat utamanya, namun beliau tidak mengambil pandangan mereka kerana dilaporkan beliau pernah berkata ‘I trust the young one’. - Harakah Daily.Net, March 9, 2008
(To the question: Has Umno become irrelevant?) For the moment, yes. It's not always so. If Umno serves the country well, and looks after all the different races, then Umno will be relevant again. - Dr Mahathir Mohamad, March 9, 2008
Malaysia's 12th general election must now be a possible topic of a hundred PhD dissertations. It is about a revolution in a country trapped in the excesses of hypermodernity. The revolution was aided by the power of cybernetics and the daulat of the rakyat.
It was fuelled by the ruling regime's abuse of the ideological state apparatuses. It was also a rude awakening for a leader snoozing in Sleepy Hollow. While he slept, the rakyat engineered a usurpation - a quiet and unique revolution.
This was the ethnogenesis (birth of a new culture) of hopefully a more sober and sensible Malaysia ready to work together regardless of race, colour, creed, national origin.
There is a lot of work to be done in the area of social justice, education for multi-culturalism, and development for the people, by the people, for the people.
A lot of people must also be brought to justice - those who have been for decades protected by a corrupt regime. We have seen much violation of human rights. We have seen many who voiced their opinion on matters of social justice and freedom thrown into jail and detained without trial.
We have seen, especially during the Abdullah administration, the rise of Malay politicians whose leit motif has been arrogance and perpetuation of dangerous divisive politics.
Back to the Malaysian Revolution of 2008. It was like the storming of the Bastille in France. Malaysians saw the fall of the four states and the rise of a new 'cybernetic' fourth estate. The broadcast media of the old regime gave way to the new, subaltern media of the revolutionary forces. There was no need to storm and take over Angkasapuri.
Revolutionary ideals and notions of social justice were disseminated far fast, far, and wide through the Internet. Bloggers, columnists, members of MUD (Multiuser Domains), street artists, intellectuals, social activists, and the man and woman on the street were the revolutionary soldiers.
The hegemony of the ruling party has made many skeptical of the same miraculous win as in 2004. ‘Materials, machinery, and media’, as the eminent anthropologist turned politician Syed Husin Ali would say, 'are the foundation of authoritarianism and hegemony'.
I would add that the mind of Malaysians has quietly processed what constitutes truth and justice. Silently the revolution got underway; a revolution of the mind aided by digital communication technologies spearheaded by bloggers who evolved into ‘blogo-ticians’.
ewer paradigm
Any progressive change is exciting, as long as the revolution is a peaceful one that works towards eradication of poverty, improving the intellectual climate of universities, and true religious and racial harmony.
The people of Penang, Kedah, Perak, and Selangor will now shift to a new paradigm. Tanjung II is now a reality, and DAP veteran Lim Kit Siang's dream has come true.
Universiti Utara Malaysia in Kedah will need to be in smart partnership and make intellectual adjustments to a new paradigm. The university faculty will need to read The Blue Ocean Strategy to exist in harmony with the new ruling party. Any effort to free universities from the shackles of political domination is good.
Selangor, the advanced state, will move a new level of sophistication but one founded upon sustainable development that meets the needs of people. The same goes for the paradigm of development in Perak.
Kelantan's prayers against a takeover by Barisan Nasional (BN) was answered. Some say that truth and justice will always be allies of the righteous.
Full credit goes to Malaysians from all walks of life. They are the real winners and they are not to be betrayed. Their children need a better life, through education as a means for social, economic, moral, ethical, and intellectual progress. They are much more intelligent now, after 50 years of independence.
Why did the BN fail? Take your pick:
• Massive corruption
• Rampant abuse of power
• Rise of arrogant leaders
• Lies and deceit by the Election Commission
• Racism
• Inability to engineer equitable and sustainable development programmes
• Cronyism and nepotism
• Creation of an alienated generation
• Conspicuous consumption
• Failure to control rising prices
• Rampant abuse of the Ideological State apparatus
• Inefficient management of resources
• Blatant disregard of human rights
• Suppression of the rights of the individual
• Exploitation of the dangerous concept of ketuanan Melayu
• Protection of corrupt leaders
The next step for the four new states is to phase out the vestiges of the old regime and to document what did not work. How did the process of underdevelopment of the rakyat happen in those decades? Documents need to be secured and analysed to prove what went wrong and how we must move forward based on the principles of total accountability.
Each state run by the new order of governance must showcase what an ethical system looks like and how the creativity and problem-solving skills of the rakyat ought to be developed. This will teach us what development based on needs means, instead of one based on greed and conspicuous consumption. The latter has destroyed this nation.
The new regime needs to bring abusers of power to justice. The universities need to be freed, the education system need to be radically improved, good healthcare plans made affordable, the Mat Rempit and Along stopped, cultural pride restored through schooling that improves higher-order thinking skills, poverty eliminated, and the independence of the judiciary restored.
The party's over but the revolution continues. Malaysians must make a Malaysian Malaysia a reality.
This revolution is made possible by the daulat of the rakyat - the Makkal Sakti of Malaysia's Radical Marhaenism, conceived by many Shao Lin masters and one whose zeal was transmitted through cyberspace!
Azly Rahman | Mar 10, 08 1:14pm
“If we've lost, we've lost" - Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, at post-election press conference, March 9 2008
Kesilapan besar Abdullah antaranya walaupun beliau mempunyai anggota Majlis Tertinggi Umno dan Kabinet sebagai penasihat utamanya, namun beliau tidak mengambil pandangan mereka kerana dilaporkan beliau pernah berkata ‘I trust the young one’. - Harakah Daily.Net, March 9, 2008
(To the question: Has Umno become irrelevant?) For the moment, yes. It's not always so. If Umno serves the country well, and looks after all the different races, then Umno will be relevant again. - Dr Mahathir Mohamad, March 9, 2008
Malaysia's 12th general election must now be a possible topic of a hundred PhD dissertations. It is about a revolution in a country trapped in the excesses of hypermodernity. The revolution was aided by the power of cybernetics and the daulat of the rakyat.
It was fuelled by the ruling regime's abuse of the ideological state apparatuses. It was also a rude awakening for a leader snoozing in Sleepy Hollow. While he slept, the rakyat engineered a usurpation - a quiet and unique revolution.
This was the ethnogenesis (birth of a new culture) of hopefully a more sober and sensible Malaysia ready to work together regardless of race, colour, creed, national origin.
There is a lot of work to be done in the area of social justice, education for multi-culturalism, and development for the people, by the people, for the people.
A lot of people must also be brought to justice - those who have been for decades protected by a corrupt regime. We have seen much violation of human rights. We have seen many who voiced their opinion on matters of social justice and freedom thrown into jail and detained without trial.
We have seen, especially during the Abdullah administration, the rise of Malay politicians whose leit motif has been arrogance and perpetuation of dangerous divisive politics.
Back to the Malaysian Revolution of 2008. It was like the storming of the Bastille in France. Malaysians saw the fall of the four states and the rise of a new 'cybernetic' fourth estate. The broadcast media of the old regime gave way to the new, subaltern media of the revolutionary forces. There was no need to storm and take over Angkasapuri.
Revolutionary ideals and notions of social justice were disseminated far fast, far, and wide through the Internet. Bloggers, columnists, members of MUD (Multiuser Domains), street artists, intellectuals, social activists, and the man and woman on the street were the revolutionary soldiers.
The hegemony of the ruling party has made many skeptical of the same miraculous win as in 2004. ‘Materials, machinery, and media’, as the eminent anthropologist turned politician Syed Husin Ali would say, 'are the foundation of authoritarianism and hegemony'.
I would add that the mind of Malaysians has quietly processed what constitutes truth and justice. Silently the revolution got underway; a revolution of the mind aided by digital communication technologies spearheaded by bloggers who evolved into ‘blogo-ticians’.
ewer paradigm
Any progressive change is exciting, as long as the revolution is a peaceful one that works towards eradication of poverty, improving the intellectual climate of universities, and true religious and racial harmony.
The people of Penang, Kedah, Perak, and Selangor will now shift to a new paradigm. Tanjung II is now a reality, and DAP veteran Lim Kit Siang's dream has come true.
Universiti Utara Malaysia in Kedah will need to be in smart partnership and make intellectual adjustments to a new paradigm. The university faculty will need to read The Blue Ocean Strategy to exist in harmony with the new ruling party. Any effort to free universities from the shackles of political domination is good.
Selangor, the advanced state, will move a new level of sophistication but one founded upon sustainable development that meets the needs of people. The same goes for the paradigm of development in Perak.
Kelantan's prayers against a takeover by Barisan Nasional (BN) was answered. Some say that truth and justice will always be allies of the righteous.
Full credit goes to Malaysians from all walks of life. They are the real winners and they are not to be betrayed. Their children need a better life, through education as a means for social, economic, moral, ethical, and intellectual progress. They are much more intelligent now, after 50 years of independence.
Why did the BN fail? Take your pick:
• Massive corruption
• Rampant abuse of power
• Rise of arrogant leaders
• Lies and deceit by the Election Commission
• Racism
• Inability to engineer equitable and sustainable development programmes
• Cronyism and nepotism
• Creation of an alienated generation
• Conspicuous consumption
• Failure to control rising prices
• Rampant abuse of the Ideological State apparatus
• Inefficient management of resources
• Blatant disregard of human rights
• Suppression of the rights of the individual
• Exploitation of the dangerous concept of ketuanan Melayu
• Protection of corrupt leaders
The next step for the four new states is to phase out the vestiges of the old regime and to document what did not work. How did the process of underdevelopment of the rakyat happen in those decades? Documents need to be secured and analysed to prove what went wrong and how we must move forward based on the principles of total accountability.
Each state run by the new order of governance must showcase what an ethical system looks like and how the creativity and problem-solving skills of the rakyat ought to be developed. This will teach us what development based on needs means, instead of one based on greed and conspicuous consumption. The latter has destroyed this nation.
The new regime needs to bring abusers of power to justice. The universities need to be freed, the education system need to be radically improved, good healthcare plans made affordable, the Mat Rempit and Along stopped, cultural pride restored through schooling that improves higher-order thinking skills, poverty eliminated, and the independence of the judiciary restored.
The party's over but the revolution continues. Malaysians must make a Malaysian Malaysia a reality.
This revolution is made possible by the daulat of the rakyat - the Makkal Sakti of Malaysia's Radical Marhaenism, conceived by many Shao Lin masters and one whose zeal was transmitted through cyberspace!
It wasn't overconfidence - it was arrogance
It wasn't overconfidence - it was arrogance
Dr S Kumar | Mar 12, 08 5:24pm
I refer to the Malaysiakini report BN was overconfident: Dr M's ex-aide.
According to Dr Abdul Malek Mohamed Hanafiah, Barisan Nasional’s losses in the general elections can be attributed to "overconfidence." I beg to differ with this interpretation. Quite simply, BN’s losses were a result of its arrogance. In recent years, this arrogance has been vividly put on display at the annual Umno general assembly. But this begs the question: why has this become necessary to do for many well-placed within the Umno hierarchy and regime?
In a significant sense, for years now the Umno leadership has been a ‘one-trick pony’. It has always and consistently relied on the "race card" to ward off any challenge – either from within the ruling coalition or from the Opposition – to its "natural right" to govern. That formula carried Umno through the critical economic growth years for much of Mahathir’s reign. Essentially, Umno has managed to sell the public, over and over again, this same rhetoric regarding it’s ability to steward racial and religious harmony. But of course its "credibility" also required delivering on the bread-and-butter issues for its base.
Post-Mahathir Umno has seen a couple of critical developments that put some new factors into play. First, and perhaps most critically, we saw an Umno without a clear vision and agenda for its base and, more importantly, the country. Hence, we saw a confused leadership grabbing at straws and struggling to define itself and its vision for the country. Having progressively pandered (for reasons I will not go into here) to the religiously conservative wing of the party, it ultimately found itself trying to redefine Malaysia. Hence, we got the following confusion: ‘We are an Islamic state; we are not a secular State; We are not an Islamic state but we are also not a secular state’.
All this, of course, comes in the heels of the annual venom, and rhetoric of hate and intimidation from Umno’s general assemblies directed at its fellow citizens. So much for being the promoter of "national unity" and pursuing "racial harmony." Indeed, Umno’s approach can be formulaically described as destructive "group-think." Abdullah may have lamented such destructive rhetoric that arguably verged on being inciting violence. Ironic that here we saw a vision-less but arrogant Umno come of age.
Which brings me to the second factor: the electorate’s growing frustration with the same old song-and-dance from BN. What BN and Umno failed – and perhaps more critically, refused - to see was a process of progressive political consciousness, maturity, and desire for a more meaningful voice on the part of the electorate. The old ‘one-trick pony’ had gotten old and ineffective.
Malaysians had become more sophisticated in their appreciation of pluralism, but the old guard in BN was too inept to recognise the change underneath their very noses. Arrogance, you know, tends to do that to you. It makes you blind and unresponsive to the voices around you.
So each time Malaysians spoke their mind, we found the arrogant rhetoric in Umno reach new heights.
Rather than welcome thoughtful dialogue – a trait one might say should be very characteristic of us as Malaysians – we instead find hard-core communal sentiments being touted. For its part, the MIC, MCA and other coalition parties merely further distanced themselves from their constituencies, while chiding and belittling their concerns.
In other words, all around us, we saw a BN that had become not just arrogant; it had indeed become too arrogant. Too arrogant to know that it served at the behest of the people and it has no pre-ordained right to govern unchecked – especially when it fails to fulfill its solemn obligation to its masters – we the people - and the constitution.
Dr S Kumar | Mar 12, 08 5:24pm
I refer to the Malaysiakini report BN was overconfident: Dr M's ex-aide.
According to Dr Abdul Malek Mohamed Hanafiah, Barisan Nasional’s losses in the general elections can be attributed to "overconfidence." I beg to differ with this interpretation. Quite simply, BN’s losses were a result of its arrogance. In recent years, this arrogance has been vividly put on display at the annual Umno general assembly. But this begs the question: why has this become necessary to do for many well-placed within the Umno hierarchy and regime?
In a significant sense, for years now the Umno leadership has been a ‘one-trick pony’. It has always and consistently relied on the "race card" to ward off any challenge – either from within the ruling coalition or from the Opposition – to its "natural right" to govern. That formula carried Umno through the critical economic growth years for much of Mahathir’s reign. Essentially, Umno has managed to sell the public, over and over again, this same rhetoric regarding it’s ability to steward racial and religious harmony. But of course its "credibility" also required delivering on the bread-and-butter issues for its base.
Post-Mahathir Umno has seen a couple of critical developments that put some new factors into play. First, and perhaps most critically, we saw an Umno without a clear vision and agenda for its base and, more importantly, the country. Hence, we saw a confused leadership grabbing at straws and struggling to define itself and its vision for the country. Having progressively pandered (for reasons I will not go into here) to the religiously conservative wing of the party, it ultimately found itself trying to redefine Malaysia. Hence, we got the following confusion: ‘We are an Islamic state; we are not a secular State; We are not an Islamic state but we are also not a secular state’.
All this, of course, comes in the heels of the annual venom, and rhetoric of hate and intimidation from Umno’s general assemblies directed at its fellow citizens. So much for being the promoter of "national unity" and pursuing "racial harmony." Indeed, Umno’s approach can be formulaically described as destructive "group-think." Abdullah may have lamented such destructive rhetoric that arguably verged on being inciting violence. Ironic that here we saw a vision-less but arrogant Umno come of age.
Which brings me to the second factor: the electorate’s growing frustration with the same old song-and-dance from BN. What BN and Umno failed – and perhaps more critically, refused - to see was a process of progressive political consciousness, maturity, and desire for a more meaningful voice on the part of the electorate. The old ‘one-trick pony’ had gotten old and ineffective.
Malaysians had become more sophisticated in their appreciation of pluralism, but the old guard in BN was too inept to recognise the change underneath their very noses. Arrogance, you know, tends to do that to you. It makes you blind and unresponsive to the voices around you.
So each time Malaysians spoke their mind, we found the arrogant rhetoric in Umno reach new heights.
Rather than welcome thoughtful dialogue – a trait one might say should be very characteristic of us as Malaysians – we instead find hard-core communal sentiments being touted. For its part, the MIC, MCA and other coalition parties merely further distanced themselves from their constituencies, while chiding and belittling their concerns.
In other words, all around us, we saw a BN that had become not just arrogant; it had indeed become too arrogant. Too arrogant to know that it served at the behest of the people and it has no pre-ordained right to govern unchecked – especially when it fails to fulfill its solemn obligation to its masters – we the people - and the constitution.
Absolute power corrupted them absolutely
Absolute power corrupted them absolutely
Dr V Sivapalan | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
The British historian and moralist Lord Acton first coined this phrase in 1887 ‘Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men’. Nothing can be further from the truth when it came to the Umno and Barisan Nasional government prior to the just concluded elections.
Politicians - from Umno to MCA to MIC - are looking for excuses and reasons why they lost so badly in the elections. Barisan wants to form an ‘independent body’ to do a post-mortem on why it lost. Let me save them the trouble.
The simple reason why they lost was because Umno (and not BN) became so arrogant that they forgot that they were serving a multi-racial and multi-religious nation. If you read ‘Freakonomics’ by Steven D. Levitt, he says that the reasons why things happen can sometimes be traced back to one single event in the past which has a significant effect on the future.
In the 1970s and 1980s crime was rising at an alarming rate in the US especially among young people and predictions were that it would only get worse. Yet in the 1990s it started falling for no obvious reason. He found that the main reason why crime fell significantly in the 1990s could be traced back to the case of Roe vs Wade (1973) where abortion was legalised by the US Supreme Court. The rise in crime could be traced back to children born to young mothers from deprived backgrounds. Research showed that these children grow up in poor and underprivileged neighbourhoods and tend to commit crimes due to their difficult childhoods.
However, once abortion was legalised, the number of unwanted births dropped significantly from the 1970s and there were far fewer children from underprivileged backgrounds and hence less crimes by young people. It was therefore not a result of policies to reduce crime or education or even better policing that reduced crime, it was the simple act of legalising abortion.
In Malaysian politics, the undoing of BN can be traced back to their record setting win in the 2004 elections when BN won 92% of the seats in Parliament. Umno reigned supreme and it went to their heads. They now had absolute power and this corrupted them absolutely. Over the next four years, Umno ran roughshod over their coalition partners especially MCA and MIC.
The brandishing of the keris by Umno Youth leader Hishamuddin Hussein Onn was but one example of them glorifying their superiority over the other races. Holding the Umno assembly during Deepavalli was a latent action of displaying their superiority over the other races.
Overtly, Umno Vice President Mohd Ali Rustam’s statement at the PPP 2007 Assembly that the PPP could leave BN if it didn’t toe the line and that the BN didn’t need the Indian votes to win the election were a brazen example of the arrogance and superiority displayed by Umno over their so-called BN partners. This was no longer a partnership; it was a master-slave relationship. No prizes for guessing who was the master.
Other blatant examples was the wanton destruction of Hindu temples in Selangor (guess why Selangor fell to the opposition) which the glorified leader of the Indians, S Samy Vellu, could not even stop. When MIC leaders like Sothinathan and Devamani spoke up for Indian rights they were immediately reprimanded and in Sothinathan’s case suspended. Sothi returned to duty after suspension a mouse, unlike the lion that roared in Parliament.
In August 2007, MCA Youth Chief Liow Tiong Lai delivered a speech at the MCA Youth Assembly where he said, "We in MCA and MCA Youth won’t be easily bullied by others, ren bu fan wo, wo bu fan ren; ren ruo fan wo, wo bi fan ren," he quoted the Chinese saying which loosely translates to how one who is offended would retaliate. He also said, "In the ‘BN family’, we are brothers, there is no master and slave (he obviously recognises the problem here), there is no question of who is being scared of who or whom should kowtow to whom."
Yet kowtow he did because the speech was delivered only in Mandarin, the Bahasa Malaysia version did not carry this phrase, obviously because Khairy Jamaluddin the Umno Youth Deputy President was in attendance. Was there indeed a master-slave relationship latently on display even at the MCA Youth Assembly? If not, then why not deliver the same speech in Bahasa? It was obvious to everyone that he feared his political master, his ‘Tuan’ was in attendance.
Even the appointment of Gerakan’s next Chief Minister of Penang (on the presumption that they would win) was left to the PM. How much weaker can a party be?
The absolute power given to Umno as the leading partner in Barisan by the electorate in 2004 created this arrogant attitude in Umno. They thought they were invincible, they were the masters not just politically in Barisan but they were the masters of all Malaysians. Like they say metaphorically in the US, they smoked pot and got high on their own delusions.
Once they believed they had absolute power, they got absolutely corrupted in more ways than one. They even forgot that in their darkest days in 1999 when ‘Reformasi" was in its ascendancy, it was the Chinese and Indians that saved BN and Umno from being routed at the elections. Now after 2004 they believed only in their superiority and stepped on the non-Malays at every opportunity.
MCA and MIC meant nothing, only small time community leaders running to their masters at their beck and call and doing their deeds even if it was demeaning to their communities. Any dissent was swiftly put down, dissenters were suspended, and parties were reprimanded. Was this the partnership envisioned by the founding fathers of Malaysia?
What was most surprising was that this was not the Malay way. Malays were humble and simple people. It was not the Islamic way either, as shown by PAS in Kelantan. Even as absolute rulers in Kelantan they still respected the rights of non-Malays. It certainly was not what was preached by Islam Hadhari.
So where did it all go wrong? Why did BN lose so badly? It was not about policies or the economy or about individuals. We have faced worse times economically (1997-98 comes to mind) and have had worse policies and individuals but the people especially the non-Malays still wholeheartedly supported BN.
But when they see how the arrogance and superiority of Umno puts down their MCA and MIC representatives, when non-Malay rights are eroded daily with our representatives being nothing but mouses and not lions, when our places of worship are torn down and when people who stand up for their rights are branded terrorists and locked up under the ISA that’s when the dam breaks.
One simple act of giving the BN especially Umno absolute power in 2004 made them arrogant and corrupt leaders henceforth. They now believed they were superior to everyone else and invincible. No one could question them and Malay rights were superior to non-Malay rights (which in their minds was no longer important or relevant). It was all about ‘Ketuanan Melayu’, they were the masters (Tuan) and non-Malays the slaves.
For 50 years non-Malays have always accepted that the constitution recognised Malay privileges and non-Malays never questioned that and have willingly accepted it and lived peacefully with Malays. There was never a need for the brandishing of the keris and proclaiming Ketuanan Melayu. Non-Malays never questioned that, all they wanted was for their own rights to be recognised as provided in the constitution.
This was not a question of the social contract, it was a political problem brought about by Umno leaders feeling superior because of their overwhelming victory in 2004. One event led to this but now the people have spoken. Umno is not superior and it better learn its lessons. Islam like all other religions preaches humility, yet Umno politicians were arrogant and egotistical.
All BN needs to do now is to go back to the constitution and recognise the rights of everyone. Treat everyone as equals, be humble and work with MCA and MIC as partners should work. No one is master or slave; it is a partnership. Understand everyone’s needs and be sensitive to their religions and cultures. Treat everyone well, listen to the people and give all an equal chance at life. Stop cronyism and corruption which only enriches the few at the expense of the many. Every corrupt act deprives someone else of a benefit especially the poor (Malays and non-Malays).
To the opposition which has won handsomely especially in the five states, my wish for you is simple - rule well, rule fairly and rule equitably.
Dr V Sivapalan | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
The British historian and moralist Lord Acton first coined this phrase in 1887 ‘Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men’. Nothing can be further from the truth when it came to the Umno and Barisan Nasional government prior to the just concluded elections.
Politicians - from Umno to MCA to MIC - are looking for excuses and reasons why they lost so badly in the elections. Barisan wants to form an ‘independent body’ to do a post-mortem on why it lost. Let me save them the trouble.
The simple reason why they lost was because Umno (and not BN) became so arrogant that they forgot that they were serving a multi-racial and multi-religious nation. If you read ‘Freakonomics’ by Steven D. Levitt, he says that the reasons why things happen can sometimes be traced back to one single event in the past which has a significant effect on the future.
In the 1970s and 1980s crime was rising at an alarming rate in the US especially among young people and predictions were that it would only get worse. Yet in the 1990s it started falling for no obvious reason. He found that the main reason why crime fell significantly in the 1990s could be traced back to the case of Roe vs Wade (1973) where abortion was legalised by the US Supreme Court. The rise in crime could be traced back to children born to young mothers from deprived backgrounds. Research showed that these children grow up in poor and underprivileged neighbourhoods and tend to commit crimes due to their difficult childhoods.
However, once abortion was legalised, the number of unwanted births dropped significantly from the 1970s and there were far fewer children from underprivileged backgrounds and hence less crimes by young people. It was therefore not a result of policies to reduce crime or education or even better policing that reduced crime, it was the simple act of legalising abortion.
In Malaysian politics, the undoing of BN can be traced back to their record setting win in the 2004 elections when BN won 92% of the seats in Parliament. Umno reigned supreme and it went to their heads. They now had absolute power and this corrupted them absolutely. Over the next four years, Umno ran roughshod over their coalition partners especially MCA and MIC.
The brandishing of the keris by Umno Youth leader Hishamuddin Hussein Onn was but one example of them glorifying their superiority over the other races. Holding the Umno assembly during Deepavalli was a latent action of displaying their superiority over the other races.
Overtly, Umno Vice President Mohd Ali Rustam’s statement at the PPP 2007 Assembly that the PPP could leave BN if it didn’t toe the line and that the BN didn’t need the Indian votes to win the election were a brazen example of the arrogance and superiority displayed by Umno over their so-called BN partners. This was no longer a partnership; it was a master-slave relationship. No prizes for guessing who was the master.
Other blatant examples was the wanton destruction of Hindu temples in Selangor (guess why Selangor fell to the opposition) which the glorified leader of the Indians, S Samy Vellu, could not even stop. When MIC leaders like Sothinathan and Devamani spoke up for Indian rights they were immediately reprimanded and in Sothinathan’s case suspended. Sothi returned to duty after suspension a mouse, unlike the lion that roared in Parliament.
In August 2007, MCA Youth Chief Liow Tiong Lai delivered a speech at the MCA Youth Assembly where he said, "We in MCA and MCA Youth won’t be easily bullied by others, ren bu fan wo, wo bu fan ren; ren ruo fan wo, wo bi fan ren," he quoted the Chinese saying which loosely translates to how one who is offended would retaliate. He also said, "In the ‘BN family’, we are brothers, there is no master and slave (he obviously recognises the problem here), there is no question of who is being scared of who or whom should kowtow to whom."
Yet kowtow he did because the speech was delivered only in Mandarin, the Bahasa Malaysia version did not carry this phrase, obviously because Khairy Jamaluddin the Umno Youth Deputy President was in attendance. Was there indeed a master-slave relationship latently on display even at the MCA Youth Assembly? If not, then why not deliver the same speech in Bahasa? It was obvious to everyone that he feared his political master, his ‘Tuan’ was in attendance.
Even the appointment of Gerakan’s next Chief Minister of Penang (on the presumption that they would win) was left to the PM. How much weaker can a party be?
The absolute power given to Umno as the leading partner in Barisan by the electorate in 2004 created this arrogant attitude in Umno. They thought they were invincible, they were the masters not just politically in Barisan but they were the masters of all Malaysians. Like they say metaphorically in the US, they smoked pot and got high on their own delusions.
Once they believed they had absolute power, they got absolutely corrupted in more ways than one. They even forgot that in their darkest days in 1999 when ‘Reformasi" was in its ascendancy, it was the Chinese and Indians that saved BN and Umno from being routed at the elections. Now after 2004 they believed only in their superiority and stepped on the non-Malays at every opportunity.
MCA and MIC meant nothing, only small time community leaders running to their masters at their beck and call and doing their deeds even if it was demeaning to their communities. Any dissent was swiftly put down, dissenters were suspended, and parties were reprimanded. Was this the partnership envisioned by the founding fathers of Malaysia?
What was most surprising was that this was not the Malay way. Malays were humble and simple people. It was not the Islamic way either, as shown by PAS in Kelantan. Even as absolute rulers in Kelantan they still respected the rights of non-Malays. It certainly was not what was preached by Islam Hadhari.
So where did it all go wrong? Why did BN lose so badly? It was not about policies or the economy or about individuals. We have faced worse times economically (1997-98 comes to mind) and have had worse policies and individuals but the people especially the non-Malays still wholeheartedly supported BN.
But when they see how the arrogance and superiority of Umno puts down their MCA and MIC representatives, when non-Malay rights are eroded daily with our representatives being nothing but mouses and not lions, when our places of worship are torn down and when people who stand up for their rights are branded terrorists and locked up under the ISA that’s when the dam breaks.
One simple act of giving the BN especially Umno absolute power in 2004 made them arrogant and corrupt leaders henceforth. They now believed they were superior to everyone else and invincible. No one could question them and Malay rights were superior to non-Malay rights (which in their minds was no longer important or relevant). It was all about ‘Ketuanan Melayu’, they were the masters (Tuan) and non-Malays the slaves.
For 50 years non-Malays have always accepted that the constitution recognised Malay privileges and non-Malays never questioned that and have willingly accepted it and lived peacefully with Malays. There was never a need for the brandishing of the keris and proclaiming Ketuanan Melayu. Non-Malays never questioned that, all they wanted was for their own rights to be recognised as provided in the constitution.
This was not a question of the social contract, it was a political problem brought about by Umno leaders feeling superior because of their overwhelming victory in 2004. One event led to this but now the people have spoken. Umno is not superior and it better learn its lessons. Islam like all other religions preaches humility, yet Umno politicians were arrogant and egotistical.
All BN needs to do now is to go back to the constitution and recognise the rights of everyone. Treat everyone as equals, be humble and work with MCA and MIC as partners should work. No one is master or slave; it is a partnership. Understand everyone’s needs and be sensitive to their religions and cultures. Treat everyone well, listen to the people and give all an equal chance at life. Stop cronyism and corruption which only enriches the few at the expense of the many. Every corrupt act deprives someone else of a benefit especially the poor (Malays and non-Malays).
To the opposition which has won handsomely especially in the five states, my wish for you is simple - rule well, rule fairly and rule equitably.
Ensure Malaysia's New Dawn remains bright
Ensure Malaysia's New Dawn remains bright
Umran Kadir | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
The March 8, 2008 will go down as a proud and historic day for all Malaysians – the day that the politics of race and fear were dealt a stunning blow by Malaysians of all races, colours and creeds. It was also the day which Malaysians sent out a message to all political parties in the country – pay heed to what we say or you will be voted out. The next five years will tell us just how well Malaysia's political parties understood this message.
The hard work of meeting the people's expectations must now begin. There is much to do and it is somewhat bewildering as to where to start. I thought I could help by coming out with a list of suggestions in ten areas that I believe should, even during these very early days, be at the top of the Barisan Rakyat coalition's agenda. Many of the points I have included should come as no surprise as many of them have already been promised by the various component parties of Barisan Rakyat. While I am directing this list primarily to Barisan Rakyat, I don't believe the rakyat would complain if Barisan Nasional also choose to adopt any or all of these items into their agenda.
In fact, if they hope to do well in the next general election, I would encourage Barisan Nasional to do so.
(1) The rule of law- Push for the use of all emergency laws and powers to be curtailed immediately. Among others, the use of these laws includes the power to detain individuals indefinitely without trial, the power to arrest individuals without a warrant and the forced eviction of squatters. The continued arbitrary use of these laws undermines the rule of law and the need for the government to be transparent and accountable.
Push for the immediate release or charge of all Internal Security Act (ISA)detainees. Push for the repeal or amendment of the ISA and other repressive laws as well as any other laws that contain ouster clauses, always being guided by the objectives of strengthening the rule of law, making the government more accountable and making government processes more transparent.
(2) The New Economic Policy (NEP) / National Development Policy (NDP)- Push to transform the NEP/NDP into a means-tested benefit scheme that will assist the poorest sections of Malaysian society, irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political persuasion.
(3) Minimum wage - As promised by PKR, push for the implementation of a minimum wage in Malaysia. Other developing countries including Vietnam, Thailand, Sri Lanka and China have already introduced minimum wage legislation. Research by the International Labour Organisation has found that the introduction of a minimum wage does not have a negative effect on employment and is a proven method of reducing poverty in developing countries.
(4) Assets of those holding public office - Lead by example: Have all Barisan Rakyat Members of Parliament and state legislators publicly declare their assets. This should be able to instituted fairly quickly provided the political will is there.
(5) Corruption - Push to have the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) report to Parliament instead of the Prime Minister. Push for the further prosecution of any corrupt politicians/civil servants and former politicians/civil servants whilst ensuring that investigations and any subsequent prosecutions are made as transparent as possible.
(6) The Judiciary - Push for the immediate establishment of a Judicial Appointments Committee to restore confidence in the Malaysian judiciary and to ensure that the best and brightest people are appointed to the Bench.
Article 121(1) is an amendment to the Federal Constitution that effectively made the judiciary subservient to Parliament (and by extension, the Executive). Barisan Rakyat MPs should push for the amendment of Article 121 (1) so that the power of the courts is once again derived from the Federal Constitution instead of Parliament. This is in keeping with the Separation of Powers doctrine which advocates an independent Executive, Legislature and Judiciary.
(7) Local Council Elections - Lead by example by taking steps to institute Local Council Elections in Barisan Rakyat controlled states as soon as possible.
(8) The Royal Malaysian Police (RMP) - To restore the reputation of the RMP and restore public confidence in the RMP, push for the establishment of the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission .
(9) Freedom of expression - Promote robust and responsible public debate on all issues of public interest to Malaysians – a good starting point would be to push to allow Malaysiakini to sell their newspaper in printed form across Malaysia.
(10) Implement a scorecard system - A number of the points mentioned above are consistent with the People's Declaration – a statement which was endorsed by all the component parties of Barisan Rakyat. In serving the people of Malaysia, please remember to adhere to the principles that you endorsed.
Over and above this, to ensure that you remain responsive and in touch with the needs and desires of the people, market research should be carried out as soon as possible to determine the particular needs of the people within individual constituencies. The results of this research should be made public and serve as a scorecard (or in management parlance, Key Performance Indicators) for each elected representative. It would be advisable for each elected representative to make public exactly how they intend to meet the needs of their constituents.
Needless to say, this is not an exhaustive list. There is much more that can be done to ensure that Malaysia is able to reach its full potential. However, I believe the above suggestions in the ten areas are excellent starting points and their implementation will ensure that Malaysia's New Dawn remains dazzlingly bright.
Umran Kadir | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
The March 8, 2008 will go down as a proud and historic day for all Malaysians – the day that the politics of race and fear were dealt a stunning blow by Malaysians of all races, colours and creeds. It was also the day which Malaysians sent out a message to all political parties in the country – pay heed to what we say or you will be voted out. The next five years will tell us just how well Malaysia's political parties understood this message.
The hard work of meeting the people's expectations must now begin. There is much to do and it is somewhat bewildering as to where to start. I thought I could help by coming out with a list of suggestions in ten areas that I believe should, even during these very early days, be at the top of the Barisan Rakyat coalition's agenda. Many of the points I have included should come as no surprise as many of them have already been promised by the various component parties of Barisan Rakyat. While I am directing this list primarily to Barisan Rakyat, I don't believe the rakyat would complain if Barisan Nasional also choose to adopt any or all of these items into their agenda.
In fact, if they hope to do well in the next general election, I would encourage Barisan Nasional to do so.
(1) The rule of law- Push for the use of all emergency laws and powers to be curtailed immediately. Among others, the use of these laws includes the power to detain individuals indefinitely without trial, the power to arrest individuals without a warrant and the forced eviction of squatters. The continued arbitrary use of these laws undermines the rule of law and the need for the government to be transparent and accountable.
Push for the immediate release or charge of all Internal Security Act (ISA)detainees. Push for the repeal or amendment of the ISA and other repressive laws as well as any other laws that contain ouster clauses, always being guided by the objectives of strengthening the rule of law, making the government more accountable and making government processes more transparent.
(2) The New Economic Policy (NEP) / National Development Policy (NDP)- Push to transform the NEP/NDP into a means-tested benefit scheme that will assist the poorest sections of Malaysian society, irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political persuasion.
(3) Minimum wage - As promised by PKR, push for the implementation of a minimum wage in Malaysia. Other developing countries including Vietnam, Thailand, Sri Lanka and China have already introduced minimum wage legislation. Research by the International Labour Organisation has found that the introduction of a minimum wage does not have a negative effect on employment and is a proven method of reducing poverty in developing countries.
(4) Assets of those holding public office - Lead by example: Have all Barisan Rakyat Members of Parliament and state legislators publicly declare their assets. This should be able to instituted fairly quickly provided the political will is there.
(5) Corruption - Push to have the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) report to Parliament instead of the Prime Minister. Push for the further prosecution of any corrupt politicians/civil servants and former politicians/civil servants whilst ensuring that investigations and any subsequent prosecutions are made as transparent as possible.
(6) The Judiciary - Push for the immediate establishment of a Judicial Appointments Committee to restore confidence in the Malaysian judiciary and to ensure that the best and brightest people are appointed to the Bench.
Article 121(1) is an amendment to the Federal Constitution that effectively made the judiciary subservient to Parliament (and by extension, the Executive). Barisan Rakyat MPs should push for the amendment of Article 121 (1) so that the power of the courts is once again derived from the Federal Constitution instead of Parliament. This is in keeping with the Separation of Powers doctrine which advocates an independent Executive, Legislature and Judiciary.
(7) Local Council Elections - Lead by example by taking steps to institute Local Council Elections in Barisan Rakyat controlled states as soon as possible.
(8) The Royal Malaysian Police (RMP) - To restore the reputation of the RMP and restore public confidence in the RMP, push for the establishment of the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission .
(9) Freedom of expression - Promote robust and responsible public debate on all issues of public interest to Malaysians – a good starting point would be to push to allow Malaysiakini to sell their newspaper in printed form across Malaysia.
(10) Implement a scorecard system - A number of the points mentioned above are consistent with the People's Declaration – a statement which was endorsed by all the component parties of Barisan Rakyat. In serving the people of Malaysia, please remember to adhere to the principles that you endorsed.
Over and above this, to ensure that you remain responsive and in touch with the needs and desires of the people, market research should be carried out as soon as possible to determine the particular needs of the people within individual constituencies. The results of this research should be made public and serve as a scorecard (or in management parlance, Key Performance Indicators) for each elected representative. It would be advisable for each elected representative to make public exactly how they intend to meet the needs of their constituents.
Needless to say, this is not an exhaustive list. There is much more that can be done to ensure that Malaysia is able to reach its full potential. However, I believe the above suggestions in the ten areas are excellent starting points and their implementation will ensure that Malaysia's New Dawn remains dazzlingly bright.
NEP's corporate wealth yardstick flawed
NEP's corporate wealth yardstick flawed
Tang Ching Leng | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
All Malaysians, including myself, have been beneficiaries of the strong economic growth that Malaysia has enjoyed for the past few decades. Affirmative action in Malaysia, notably via the NEP, has never created any obstacles in my way – whether in pursuit of a good education or a good employment. If the NEP is designed to make Malaysia more equitable, without holding back any one particular group, I say, go for it. No nation can enjoy prosperity, hand-in-hand with peace, when the minority consumes a huge chunk of the national cake whilst the majority scrambles for scraps. Nor could any country claimed to be truly developed when a significant minority lives in squalor while the country can afford to build the tallest towers in the world or the most beautiful administrative capital.
The NEP has some measure of success. Poverty rate is down, and sizeable middle-class families are created amongst the bumiputera and across other ethnic groups. However, the NEP’s target of increasing bumiputera ownership in the nation’s corporate wealth to 30% still falls short. The question is; is corporate wealth an appropriate yardstick of Malaysia’s economic wealth? Put another way, is 30% of the nation’s corporate wealth equivalent to 30% of the nation’s economic wealth? Are there any other targets that the government should consider for inclusion?
Taking corporate wealth as the only yardstick is flawed. For one, it is ‘leaky’, ie shares and equity ownership is extremely fluid.It is difficult to ensure it stays within the intended beneficiary group, whether in bad times or in good times. In bad times, certain quarters are susceptible to liquidate their holdings even where the realised value is lower than the initial purchase price, in order to reap some temporary financial reprieve. In good times, some may sell equity/make redemptions to make quick profits, but the proceeds are not channeled to another class of assets which generates returns or capital gains. The fact that the bumiputera ownership of share capital declined during the 1997 Asian financial crisis indicates that wealth retention in the form of corporate equity is inherently unstable. A more ‘stickier’ class of assets needs to be included.
"Stickier’ assets in this sense must fulfill two conditions – firstly, it must not only retain its value, but the value should grow steadily over the owners’ lifetimes. Secondly, it must equip the owners with the lifetime ability to secure more income and wealth. Home ownership serves the first purpose; whilst education fulfils the second. Indeed, the previous NEP has incorporated programmes to provide housing and education entitlements for the poor. What is lacking, however, is a visible, concrete target for each of these enabling factors. A new programme of poverty eradication must include setting targets for, 1) percentage of home ownership among the low-income groups; and 2) percentage of education participation among children from low income groups.
A home is a basic necessity that every Malaysian household must possess. Good homes provide a conducive environment to raise harmonious and productive family units, in addition to providing a sense of financial security to the household. House values tend to appreciate, at least in tandem with inflation over a lifetime. As house purchases easily constitutes the largest lifetime expenditure of any families, it is even more critical to assist poor families to attain this basic right. The poor has almost no access to bank loans; hence the government has to step in to provide cheap housing loans to the poor to widen home ownership. Bumiputera house discounts should also be restructured. For homes prices exceeding, say RM300, 000, Bumiputera purchasers should pay the full price, and the discount proceeds are channeled to a central housing fund for the less fortunate bumiputera. It is surely an equitable and progressive move to ensure those who can afford expensive homes are not subsidised, whilst there are those who can’t even decent homes.
It is also important not to create clusters of cheap homes merely to fulfill the objective of increasing home ownership amongst the poor. Those from low-income groups also demand, rightfully, houses of adequate quality, and they do not wish to be segregated into ‘poor neighbourhoods’ reminiscent of the ghettos and slums in the US. The government must integrate poor families into the mainstream Malaysian society, and not sideline them into a separate environment where despair and low self-esteem is allowed to fester.
A second target, the percentage of children from poor families enrolled in primary to tertiary schools, must be defined. Households who fall below the poverty line (or indeed, just above) tend to neglect education for their children. Poor families tend to have larger families, and thus have a high dependency on their off-springs to bring home some income to sustain the whole family. Hence, these underprivileged children will never have the opportunity to break free from their parents’ financial predicament. Generations to come are mired in a low-income trap as their job opportunities are extremely narrow without any solid academic credentials. The enrollment percentages must be continuously monitored, to ensure every underprivileged child completes his or her education all the way to attaining a university degree. This can be achieved via an assortment of full scholarships; incentives to parents for every child put through school; and if necessarily, reserved quota of university places.
John F. Kennedy once quoted, ‘a rising tide lifts all ships’. The fruits of strong economic growth are spread, though not necessarily equitably, among the low-income groups to the high net worth individuals. When the national cake is expanding, each citizen’s slice, though unequal in size, gets bigger. That keeps most happy. Nevertheless, there will come a time when the Malaysian economy will stop growing strongly, or even contracts. When that happens, income and consequently wealth distribution will be even more skewed. Should the Malaysian economy stalls, then redistribution will be a zero-sum gain, a term economists coined which basically means someone else’ gain will be someone else’s loss. Poverty eradication works best when the economy is still expanding, and when measurable targets that matters to the man on the street are set. No Malaysians can be disenfranchised from the abundance of fruits that our blessed nation has to offer. The NEP, or any other poverty eradication programme, must be sustained until this poverty scourge is eliminated from our society, albeit with some serious policy changes.
Tang Ching Leng | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
All Malaysians, including myself, have been beneficiaries of the strong economic growth that Malaysia has enjoyed for the past few decades. Affirmative action in Malaysia, notably via the NEP, has never created any obstacles in my way – whether in pursuit of a good education or a good employment. If the NEP is designed to make Malaysia more equitable, without holding back any one particular group, I say, go for it. No nation can enjoy prosperity, hand-in-hand with peace, when the minority consumes a huge chunk of the national cake whilst the majority scrambles for scraps. Nor could any country claimed to be truly developed when a significant minority lives in squalor while the country can afford to build the tallest towers in the world or the most beautiful administrative capital.
The NEP has some measure of success. Poverty rate is down, and sizeable middle-class families are created amongst the bumiputera and across other ethnic groups. However, the NEP’s target of increasing bumiputera ownership in the nation’s corporate wealth to 30% still falls short. The question is; is corporate wealth an appropriate yardstick of Malaysia’s economic wealth? Put another way, is 30% of the nation’s corporate wealth equivalent to 30% of the nation’s economic wealth? Are there any other targets that the government should consider for inclusion?
Taking corporate wealth as the only yardstick is flawed. For one, it is ‘leaky’, ie shares and equity ownership is extremely fluid.It is difficult to ensure it stays within the intended beneficiary group, whether in bad times or in good times. In bad times, certain quarters are susceptible to liquidate their holdings even where the realised value is lower than the initial purchase price, in order to reap some temporary financial reprieve. In good times, some may sell equity/make redemptions to make quick profits, but the proceeds are not channeled to another class of assets which generates returns or capital gains. The fact that the bumiputera ownership of share capital declined during the 1997 Asian financial crisis indicates that wealth retention in the form of corporate equity is inherently unstable. A more ‘stickier’ class of assets needs to be included.
"Stickier’ assets in this sense must fulfill two conditions – firstly, it must not only retain its value, but the value should grow steadily over the owners’ lifetimes. Secondly, it must equip the owners with the lifetime ability to secure more income and wealth. Home ownership serves the first purpose; whilst education fulfils the second. Indeed, the previous NEP has incorporated programmes to provide housing and education entitlements for the poor. What is lacking, however, is a visible, concrete target for each of these enabling factors. A new programme of poverty eradication must include setting targets for, 1) percentage of home ownership among the low-income groups; and 2) percentage of education participation among children from low income groups.
A home is a basic necessity that every Malaysian household must possess. Good homes provide a conducive environment to raise harmonious and productive family units, in addition to providing a sense of financial security to the household. House values tend to appreciate, at least in tandem with inflation over a lifetime. As house purchases easily constitutes the largest lifetime expenditure of any families, it is even more critical to assist poor families to attain this basic right. The poor has almost no access to bank loans; hence the government has to step in to provide cheap housing loans to the poor to widen home ownership. Bumiputera house discounts should also be restructured. For homes prices exceeding, say RM300, 000, Bumiputera purchasers should pay the full price, and the discount proceeds are channeled to a central housing fund for the less fortunate bumiputera. It is surely an equitable and progressive move to ensure those who can afford expensive homes are not subsidised, whilst there are those who can’t even decent homes.
It is also important not to create clusters of cheap homes merely to fulfill the objective of increasing home ownership amongst the poor. Those from low-income groups also demand, rightfully, houses of adequate quality, and they do not wish to be segregated into ‘poor neighbourhoods’ reminiscent of the ghettos and slums in the US. The government must integrate poor families into the mainstream Malaysian society, and not sideline them into a separate environment where despair and low self-esteem is allowed to fester.
A second target, the percentage of children from poor families enrolled in primary to tertiary schools, must be defined. Households who fall below the poverty line (or indeed, just above) tend to neglect education for their children. Poor families tend to have larger families, and thus have a high dependency on their off-springs to bring home some income to sustain the whole family. Hence, these underprivileged children will never have the opportunity to break free from their parents’ financial predicament. Generations to come are mired in a low-income trap as their job opportunities are extremely narrow without any solid academic credentials. The enrollment percentages must be continuously monitored, to ensure every underprivileged child completes his or her education all the way to attaining a university degree. This can be achieved via an assortment of full scholarships; incentives to parents for every child put through school; and if necessarily, reserved quota of university places.
John F. Kennedy once quoted, ‘a rising tide lifts all ships’. The fruits of strong economic growth are spread, though not necessarily equitably, among the low-income groups to the high net worth individuals. When the national cake is expanding, each citizen’s slice, though unequal in size, gets bigger. That keeps most happy. Nevertheless, there will come a time when the Malaysian economy will stop growing strongly, or even contracts. When that happens, income and consequently wealth distribution will be even more skewed. Should the Malaysian economy stalls, then redistribution will be a zero-sum gain, a term economists coined which basically means someone else’ gain will be someone else’s loss. Poverty eradication works best when the economy is still expanding, and when measurable targets that matters to the man on the street are set. No Malaysians can be disenfranchised from the abundance of fruits that our blessed nation has to offer. The NEP, or any other poverty eradication programme, must be sustained until this poverty scourge is eliminated from our society, albeit with some serious policy changes.
Time for country to embrace new kind of politics
Time for country to embrace new kind of politics
Ismail Nor | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
Most people in the country were taken aback by the trouncing of Barisan Nasional (BN) by the loose coalition of non-BN parties two days ago. However, I am also surprised by the way the media covered the elections results and their refusal to change their ways even after sensing the ground swell or tsunami.
For one, it should be noted that one of a very significant paradigm change the media organisations need to be familiar with is the phrase ‘Pembangkang/Opposition’. Previously when BN held control in all state assemblies and the Parliament, the phrase was clear-cut.
But now, we cannot refer to BN as kerajaan and the other parties as pembangkang anymore since BN is now pembangkang in five states with a sizeable number of voters. It seems until today, most media organisations have missed that point. To refer the parties as non-BN parties will be more appropriate.
Secondly, during coverage of the election results, most of the TV commentators were not neutral in their commentaries. Although the TV stations invited non-politicians, their commentaries were just like any one of the BN leaders; talking about ‘they’ when referring to PKR, PAS or DAP and ‘we’ when referring to BN . The TV presenters were also using similar vocabularies.
Because of this inability to shift the paradigm, the analyses given by most commentators during the TV and radio coverage, and in newspapers the past two days were shallow, biased and some based on conjectures. They have failed to gauge and identify the actual reasons for such shifts in allegiances. At one point, I realised that the commentators, reporters and editors were and are still in a state of denial.
The above inability of the media organisations to distance themselves from BN, was actually one of the contributing factors to this debacle. In the run-up to the election, the television channels not only failed to give a fair coverage to the other parties, but continued to carry lies and negative reports on them. It is one thing if you do not want to report their side of the story, but you should not have allowed yourselves to be a BN mouthpiece spreading wrong information.
The print news media particularly the Malay dailies were also to blame. If you were to flip through Utusan Malaysia, for example, prior to the election, you will find not a single mention of the non-BN parties except in the negative light or rebuttal of their views which were never published in the first place. It seemed that the newspaper reporters and editors have been turned into BN spokesmen. I am still at a loss at trying to understand why they sacrifice the sacred principle of ‘being truthful’ and were willing to breach basic ethic of journalism of reporting the truth.
These blatant breaches of religiouscommandment and ethics of journalism are pathetic. By stooping so low in generating lies and propaganda on behalf of the BN, the electronic and print news media have lost their credibility as respectable media organisations. When honest reporting has been thrown out of the window, how can you compare yourselves to reputable organisations such as the Singapore’s Channel News Asia, let alone the BBC or CNN? I think it is like the Malay saying seperti langit dengan bumi. Even the Indonesian news media organisations are ahead of us in this matter.
It seems that the dinosaurs within BN have not realised that times havechanged. Such tactics might be useful and successful in the sixties and seventies. However, in this age of the blogs, Yahoo! YouTube and Ipods , intelligent voters no longer rely on the BN-controlled media which has been proven to be unreliable sources of information. Why should they rely on the media which reports nothing but lies?
What is more damaging, the voters also see the unfair use of the media as further proof of gross misuse of power and injustice by the BN. In other words, the blatant use of the media for party propaganda has indeed backfired! Again to quote a Malay saying, senjata makan tuan.
This brings us to the main issues underlying the rejection of BN by voters across the board. Contrary to the superficial observations from the commentators and reporters, the issues are neither racial nor religious per se.
DAP, PAS and PKR went to the voters with one clear message, that although BN has brought good development for the country, it has abused its power, forming a feudalistic patronising culture based on corruption and scandals of enormous proportions. The non-BN parties contended that while failing to tackle the woes of the common folks who are being hard-pressed with unbridled rise in the prices of goods, petrol, toll charges and education expenses, the BN leaders continue their lavish lifestyles in contrast to the image of simple and austere lifestyle of leaders of the other parties, particularly the Kelantan Menteri Besar.
The abuse of power by BN leaders can be seen in terms of misusing government assets for party use, continuing to equate the BN with the government. From electronic media to newspapers, schools to mosques, balairaya to stadiums, official cars to official aircrafts, various government facilities were (mis)used prior to and during the election campaigns. The sight of the deputy prime minister having a cozy cuddle with his daughter aboard a government aircraft during a campaign trail provided an irrefutable proof of this particular grievance.
According to the non-BN parties, the culmination of this power abuse is in the meddling with the Election Commission (EC). This started with the insistence of reappointing the retiring BN-friendly EC chairperson even to the extent of amending the laws to accommodate his age.
The EC then made rules which could only be interpreted as favouring the BN, changing them at last minute, again in what is perceived as trying to salvage a sinking BN ship. The change in rules with regard to the statutory declaration and the cancellation of indelible ink usage could easily be interpreted as proof of EC collusion to retain BN in power.
The second big issue in the minds of voters is the rising cost of living. The BN through the various media has tried in vain to tackle this issue in two ways, first by warning of the potential bankruptcy faced by the government if it increases the subsidies of goods, petrol and toll-charges and secondly by comparing local prices of basic goods with those of our neighbours. But the BN-linked media has lost its credibility.
It seems the voters rejected the bankrupt argument outright, citing increase exports in petroleum and palm oil exports, whose prices have risen sharply bringing in more income to the government which in turn should have been used to further reduce the prices of basic necessities.
On the other hand, the other parties successfully convinced the voters that the so-called bankruptcy will be more likely if BN is allowed to continue in power, quoting previous examples of scandals allegedly involving many BN leaders such as PKFZ, the navy patrol vessels project, IKBN and the Scorpene submarine and Sukhoi jet purchases. It was contended that besides palm oil and Petronas income, the total amount of ‘illegal money’ involved in such scandals could easily be used to offset any rise in basic goods and petrol.
The voters also did not buy the hollow argument of price comparison with neighbouring countries. PKR leaders brought out data which conclusively proved that the so-called price comparison was flawed since it did not actually take into consideration the buying power of neighbouring countries.
The petrol price comparison fail to impress voters because it is natural that prices in a petroleum producing country should be lower than in non-producing neighbours.
These intelligent voters were also particularly angry by suggestions by BN leadership for people to adapt and change their lifestyles to more austere ones while the BN leaders continue with their extravagant lifestyles buying new official aircraft, buildings and cars as well as building personal palatial homes and purchasing unique car registration numbers.
The above weakness of BN’s defence of price rises, coupled with PAS’s offer of a welfare state resonated well with the voters. Of course, there was also a tinge of racial gripe. The Indians were particularly fed-up with BN because they claimed the MIC leadership was not doing enough to fight for the welfare of their people. The economic cake did not reach the grassroots in the rubber estates and construction sites. Instead, the MIC leadership is seen to be obsessed with power struggles and collection of personal wealth. On the other hand, the MCA and Gerakan were seen to be too timid in standing up for Chinese rights, for example in the issue of teaching of mathematics and science in English.
To cap it all, there is the image problems of the BN president himself. One concerns his tendency to doze off during events and meetings, the other his image of being ‘absent when disaster struck’. One particular complaint was his petty trip to Perth when heavy floods hit the country in early 2007. But none is more damaging, particularly among devoutly Muslim voters, than the image of his family’s un-Islamic attire and his ‘a bit over-friendly’ gestures to his female guests and well-wishers. For someone being portrayed as Islamically-inclined with his version of Islam Hadhari, the president needs to be more sensitive to such issues. Some voters were also wary of his family’s and friends close relationship to Singaporeans at various levels.
Until and unless the BN starts a soul-search and recognise the above issues and makes a concerted effort tackle them head-on, the party risks of becoming obsolete and extinct, just like the dinosaurs of old. To reinvent itself, BN has to leave the ways of old third-class politics. We vividly remember that after the hotly contested 1999 elections, the BN did not take that route of self-criticism and soul-searching.
Instead they went on the rampage, cutting off aid to Terengganu, serving a gag-order on government servants and university students, strengthening the grip on the media and government institutions, stopping support for religious schools, and taking punitive actions on non-BN supporters. We hope that this time BN will not resort to such kind of third-class politics.
The message sent by the voters on Saturday was clear. It is a vote for a change of culture and paradigm. It is a signal for the government not to take the rakyat for granted. After 50 years of independence, it is time for the country to embrace the new kind of politics; politics free from intimidation and patronage.
Let’s start to embrace this wind of change, let’s start with a credible and respectable media.
Ismail Nor | Mar 12, 08 5:25pm
Most people in the country were taken aback by the trouncing of Barisan Nasional (BN) by the loose coalition of non-BN parties two days ago. However, I am also surprised by the way the media covered the elections results and their refusal to change their ways even after sensing the ground swell or tsunami.
For one, it should be noted that one of a very significant paradigm change the media organisations need to be familiar with is the phrase ‘Pembangkang/Opposition’. Previously when BN held control in all state assemblies and the Parliament, the phrase was clear-cut.
But now, we cannot refer to BN as kerajaan and the other parties as pembangkang anymore since BN is now pembangkang in five states with a sizeable number of voters. It seems until today, most media organisations have missed that point. To refer the parties as non-BN parties will be more appropriate.
Secondly, during coverage of the election results, most of the TV commentators were not neutral in their commentaries. Although the TV stations invited non-politicians, their commentaries were just like any one of the BN leaders; talking about ‘they’ when referring to PKR, PAS or DAP and ‘we’ when referring to BN . The TV presenters were also using similar vocabularies.
Because of this inability to shift the paradigm, the analyses given by most commentators during the TV and radio coverage, and in newspapers the past two days were shallow, biased and some based on conjectures. They have failed to gauge and identify the actual reasons for such shifts in allegiances. At one point, I realised that the commentators, reporters and editors were and are still in a state of denial.
The above inability of the media organisations to distance themselves from BN, was actually one of the contributing factors to this debacle. In the run-up to the election, the television channels not only failed to give a fair coverage to the other parties, but continued to carry lies and negative reports on them. It is one thing if you do not want to report their side of the story, but you should not have allowed yourselves to be a BN mouthpiece spreading wrong information.
The print news media particularly the Malay dailies were also to blame. If you were to flip through Utusan Malaysia, for example, prior to the election, you will find not a single mention of the non-BN parties except in the negative light or rebuttal of their views which were never published in the first place. It seemed that the newspaper reporters and editors have been turned into BN spokesmen. I am still at a loss at trying to understand why they sacrifice the sacred principle of ‘being truthful’ and were willing to breach basic ethic of journalism of reporting the truth.
These blatant breaches of religiouscommandment and ethics of journalism are pathetic. By stooping so low in generating lies and propaganda on behalf of the BN, the electronic and print news media have lost their credibility as respectable media organisations. When honest reporting has been thrown out of the window, how can you compare yourselves to reputable organisations such as the Singapore’s Channel News Asia, let alone the BBC or CNN? I think it is like the Malay saying seperti langit dengan bumi. Even the Indonesian news media organisations are ahead of us in this matter.
It seems that the dinosaurs within BN have not realised that times havechanged. Such tactics might be useful and successful in the sixties and seventies. However, in this age of the blogs, Yahoo! YouTube and Ipods , intelligent voters no longer rely on the BN-controlled media which has been proven to be unreliable sources of information. Why should they rely on the media which reports nothing but lies?
What is more damaging, the voters also see the unfair use of the media as further proof of gross misuse of power and injustice by the BN. In other words, the blatant use of the media for party propaganda has indeed backfired! Again to quote a Malay saying, senjata makan tuan.
This brings us to the main issues underlying the rejection of BN by voters across the board. Contrary to the superficial observations from the commentators and reporters, the issues are neither racial nor religious per se.
DAP, PAS and PKR went to the voters with one clear message, that although BN has brought good development for the country, it has abused its power, forming a feudalistic patronising culture based on corruption and scandals of enormous proportions. The non-BN parties contended that while failing to tackle the woes of the common folks who are being hard-pressed with unbridled rise in the prices of goods, petrol, toll charges and education expenses, the BN leaders continue their lavish lifestyles in contrast to the image of simple and austere lifestyle of leaders of the other parties, particularly the Kelantan Menteri Besar.
The abuse of power by BN leaders can be seen in terms of misusing government assets for party use, continuing to equate the BN with the government. From electronic media to newspapers, schools to mosques, balairaya to stadiums, official cars to official aircrafts, various government facilities were (mis)used prior to and during the election campaigns. The sight of the deputy prime minister having a cozy cuddle with his daughter aboard a government aircraft during a campaign trail provided an irrefutable proof of this particular grievance.
According to the non-BN parties, the culmination of this power abuse is in the meddling with the Election Commission (EC). This started with the insistence of reappointing the retiring BN-friendly EC chairperson even to the extent of amending the laws to accommodate his age.
The EC then made rules which could only be interpreted as favouring the BN, changing them at last minute, again in what is perceived as trying to salvage a sinking BN ship. The change in rules with regard to the statutory declaration and the cancellation of indelible ink usage could easily be interpreted as proof of EC collusion to retain BN in power.
The second big issue in the minds of voters is the rising cost of living. The BN through the various media has tried in vain to tackle this issue in two ways, first by warning of the potential bankruptcy faced by the government if it increases the subsidies of goods, petrol and toll-charges and secondly by comparing local prices of basic goods with those of our neighbours. But the BN-linked media has lost its credibility.
It seems the voters rejected the bankrupt argument outright, citing increase exports in petroleum and palm oil exports, whose prices have risen sharply bringing in more income to the government which in turn should have been used to further reduce the prices of basic necessities.
On the other hand, the other parties successfully convinced the voters that the so-called bankruptcy will be more likely if BN is allowed to continue in power, quoting previous examples of scandals allegedly involving many BN leaders such as PKFZ, the navy patrol vessels project, IKBN and the Scorpene submarine and Sukhoi jet purchases. It was contended that besides palm oil and Petronas income, the total amount of ‘illegal money’ involved in such scandals could easily be used to offset any rise in basic goods and petrol.
The voters also did not buy the hollow argument of price comparison with neighbouring countries. PKR leaders brought out data which conclusively proved that the so-called price comparison was flawed since it did not actually take into consideration the buying power of neighbouring countries.
The petrol price comparison fail to impress voters because it is natural that prices in a petroleum producing country should be lower than in non-producing neighbours.
These intelligent voters were also particularly angry by suggestions by BN leadership for people to adapt and change their lifestyles to more austere ones while the BN leaders continue with their extravagant lifestyles buying new official aircraft, buildings and cars as well as building personal palatial homes and purchasing unique car registration numbers.
The above weakness of BN’s defence of price rises, coupled with PAS’s offer of a welfare state resonated well with the voters. Of course, there was also a tinge of racial gripe. The Indians were particularly fed-up with BN because they claimed the MIC leadership was not doing enough to fight for the welfare of their people. The economic cake did not reach the grassroots in the rubber estates and construction sites. Instead, the MIC leadership is seen to be obsessed with power struggles and collection of personal wealth. On the other hand, the MCA and Gerakan were seen to be too timid in standing up for Chinese rights, for example in the issue of teaching of mathematics and science in English.
To cap it all, there is the image problems of the BN president himself. One concerns his tendency to doze off during events and meetings, the other his image of being ‘absent when disaster struck’. One particular complaint was his petty trip to Perth when heavy floods hit the country in early 2007. But none is more damaging, particularly among devoutly Muslim voters, than the image of his family’s un-Islamic attire and his ‘a bit over-friendly’ gestures to his female guests and well-wishers. For someone being portrayed as Islamically-inclined with his version of Islam Hadhari, the president needs to be more sensitive to such issues. Some voters were also wary of his family’s and friends close relationship to Singaporeans at various levels.
Until and unless the BN starts a soul-search and recognise the above issues and makes a concerted effort tackle them head-on, the party risks of becoming obsolete and extinct, just like the dinosaurs of old. To reinvent itself, BN has to leave the ways of old third-class politics. We vividly remember that after the hotly contested 1999 elections, the BN did not take that route of self-criticism and soul-searching.
Instead they went on the rampage, cutting off aid to Terengganu, serving a gag-order on government servants and university students, strengthening the grip on the media and government institutions, stopping support for religious schools, and taking punitive actions on non-BN supporters. We hope that this time BN will not resort to such kind of third-class politics.
The message sent by the voters on Saturday was clear. It is a vote for a change of culture and paradigm. It is a signal for the government not to take the rakyat for granted. After 50 years of independence, it is time for the country to embrace the new kind of politics; politics free from intimidation and patronage.
Let’s start to embrace this wind of change, let’s start with a credible and respectable media.
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