Wednesday, March 19, 2008

senarai-pemenang-kerusi-calon-calon-keadilan





http://www.suarakeadilan.com/isi/2008/03/13/senarai-pemenang-kerusi-calon-calon-keadilan

Berikutan adalah senarai penuh wakil-wakil rakyat KeADILan di peringkat Parlimen dan Dewan Undangan Negeri:

Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur
P.115 - Batu - Tian Chua
P. 121 - Lembah Pantai - Nurul Izzah Anwar
P. 124 -Bandar Tun Razak - Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim
P.116 - Wangsa Maju - Wee Choo Keong

Selangor
N.10 - Bukit Melawati – Muthia Maria Pillay
N.19 Bukit Antarabangsa – Mohamad Azmin Ali
N.14 - Rawang – Gan Pei Nei
N.16 - Batu Caves – Amirudin Shari
N.11 – Ijok – Tan Sri Khalid Ahmad
N.25 - Kajang – Lee Kim Sin
N.32 – Seri Setia – Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad
N.33 – Taman Medan – Haniza Mohamed Talha
N.37 - Bukit Lanjan - Elizabeth Wong Keat Ping
N.39 – Kota Damansara - Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim
N.40 – Kota Anggerik – Yaakob Sapari
N.41 – Batu Tiga - Rodziah Ismail
N.46 – Pelabuhan Klang – Badrul Hisham Abdullah
N.49 – Seri Andalas – Xavier Jayakumar
N.50 – Seri Muda – Mat Suhaimi Shafiei

P.94 - Hulu Selangor - Datuk Dr Zainal Abidin Ahmad
P.97 - Selayang - William Leong Jee Keen
P.98 - Gombak - Mohamad Azmin Ali
P.99 - Ampang - Zuraida Kamaruddin
P.104 - Kelana Jaya - Loh Gwo Burne
P.105 - Petaling Jaya Selatan - Hee Loy Sian
P.107 - Subang - R. Sivarasa
P. 109 - Kapar - S. Manickavasagam
P.112 - Kuala Langat - Abdullah Sani Abdul Hamid

Pahang
P.82 - Indera Mahkota - Azan Ismail
P.83 - Kuantan - Fuziah Salleh

Kedah
N.28 – Bakar Arang – Tan Wei Xu
N. 29 – Sidam – Tan Chow Kang
N.34 – Lunas – Mohd Rahzi Salleh
N. 35 – Kulim – Lim See Nee

P.10 - Kuala Kedah - Ahmad Kassim
P.14 - Merbok - Datuk Rashid Din
P.15 - Sungai Petani - Johari Abdul
P.17 - Padang Serai - N. Gobalakrishnan
P. 18 - Kulim-Bandar Bharu - Zulkifli Noordin

Kelantan
N. 40 – Guchil – Tuan Zamri Arif Tuan Zakaria

P.26 - Ketereh - Abd Aziz Abd Kadir
P. 27 - Tanah Merah - Amran Abdul Ghani
P. 29 - Machang - Saifuddin Nasution Ismail

Perak
N.9 – Kuala Kurau – Abdul Yunus Jamhari
N.13 – Kuala Sapetang – Tai Sing Ng
N.14 – Changkat Jering – Kapt Mohd Osman Moha Jailu
N. 44 – Simpang Pulai – Chan Ming Kai
N.45 – Teja – Chang Lih Kang
N. 54 – Hutan Melintang – Kesavan Subramaniam
N. 59 – Behrang – Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi

P. 58 - Bagan Serai - Mohsin Fadzli Samsuri
P.62 - Sungai Siput - Dr M. Jeyakumar Devaraj
P. 71 - Gopeng - Dr Lee Boon Chye

Pulau Pinang
N. 12 – Penanti – Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin
N. 14 – Machang Bubuk – Tan Hock Leong
N.17 – Bukit Tengah – Ong Chin Wen
N.18 – Bukit Tambun – Law Choo Kiang
N.20 – Sungai Bakap – Maktar Shapee
N.24 – Kebun Bunga – Ong Khan Lee
N.35 – Batu Uban – Raveentharan
N.36 – Pantai Jerejak – Sim Tze Tzin
N.37 – Batu Maung – Abdul Malik Kassim

P.44 - Permatang Pauh - Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
P. 53 - Balik Pulau - Mohd Yusmadi Yusoff
P. 47 - Nibong Tebal - Tan Tee Beng
P. 52 - Bayan Baru - Datuk Zahrain Mohd Hashim

Negeri Sembilan
N.13 – Sikamat – Aminuddin Harun
N.14 – Ampangan – Rashid Latiff
N.29 – Chuah – Chai Tong Chai
N.33 – Port Dickson – Ravi a/l Munusamy

P.132 - Telok Kemang - Datuk Kamarul Bahrin Abbas

admin @ March 13, 2008

Deadlock in formula for Selangor exco




Re: [beritamalaysia] NST: Deadlock in formula for Selangor exco


>PKR won 15 seats, DAP 13 and Pas two seats in the general election.

>It is still not clear who the two Pas candidates are but state
>commissioner Datuk Dr Hasan Ali is expected to be one of them.

Did I miss something?

Anwar: Cancellation of indelible ink cost us 15 seats




Anwar: Cancellation of indelible ink cost us 15 seats

Posted by kasee
Thursday, 20 March 2008,MT

Practically crying foul to international news magazine 'Newsweek'

KUALA LUMPUR, March 20 - The Opposition alliance could have won up to 15 more parliamentary seats if the Election Commission had gone ahead with its plan to use indelible ink. This is the closest Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has come to alleging fraud during Election 2008.

His comments in an interview with international news magazine, Newsweek, will reignite the debate on whether the PKR-DAP-PAS alliance could have done the unthinkable and swept Barisan Nasional out of power on March 8 if there had been a more level playing field. As it stands, the opposition alliance owns 82 of the 222 seats in parliament, up from the 20 it had in 2004.

Anwar, once the poster boy of the Asian renaissance and Newsweek’s Asian of the Year in 1998 was featured on the cover of the latest issue of the magazine under the heading: To Hell and Back. Anwar Ibrahim was Asia’s Most Celebrated Young Leader Before He Was Sent To Jail. Now He Is Back. Six pages are devoted to the return of Malaysia’s prodigal son, charting his fall from grace to his re-emergence as a major force in politics here.

In a question and answer segment, he said that he belonged to a small minority who sensed that the ground was shifting towards the Opposition.

What exactly, happened, on Election Day? he was asked. Anwar’s reply: “This was a defining moment for Malaysia. Nothing is going to be the same anymore. It is not unrealistic to imagine that we could actually have won a majority right then.

“If not for the cancellation of the indelible ink, we would have got 10 or 15 more seats."

The indelible ink and transparent ballot boxes were part of a plan by the EC to make elections fairer. But several days before the polls, the commission said that it was cancelling the use of the ink because several police reports had been lodged alleging a conspiracy to defraud the voting process on March 8.

Police said that quantities of the ink had been imported from Thailand and were going to be applied on voters’ fingers before they voted. This would have created chaos and raised questions about phantom voters.

The Malaysian Insider reported then that the ink plan was scuttled because legislation had not been passed to make its use compulsory for all voters.

Anwar’s assertion in the Newsweek interview suggests that he believes that in 10 to 15 constituencies, there were multiple voting or phantom voters.

On Tuesday, a Malaysian election watchdog launched an online petition to demand poll reforms, claiming that vote fraud and irregularities in recent elections had prevented the Opposition from taking power.

The Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections, known as Bersih, said it was through “fraudulent” tactics that the ruling National Front coalition retained power.

The group of opposition parties and non-governmental organisations said the opposition, which won 82 seats, needed only 56,822 more votes to wrest the coalition’s 30 weakest seats to form the federal government, it said.

Mafrel, the election monitor, has said it too was concerned about certain practices and thought that it was disgraceful that the plan to use the ink was scrapped. It did not buy the argument that the use of the ink was a security issue.

Using an analogy, Mr Malek Hussin, the head of Mafrel, said that just because there were cases of credit card fraud in the country did not mean automatically nullify the use of credit card in transactions here.

In the Newsweek interview, Anwar was asked about his feelings towards former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. His reply was telling: “You brought up him, not me. I have forgotten him. He is old, he is not well and he is not an issue for me. I am not out to prove anything to him. In order to succeed, we have to look beyond him.’’ - THE MALAYSIAN INSIDER

Tsunami politik: Gerilawan siber (Bhg akhir)




Tsunami politik: Gerilawan siber (Bhg akhir)

Amin Iskandar | Mar 19, 08 3:37pm, Malaysiakini

Tinjauan yang dibuat di beberapa buah negeri sewaktu kempen pilihanraya umum lalu, menyaksikan “jentera BN” tidak bergerak seperti sediakala. Di Selangor, Terengganu dan Kelantan, kempen BN tidak sehebat pilihanraya umum 2004.

Rakan-rakan di Kedah, Pahang, Perak dan Melaka menyuarakan ”kerisauan” mereka mengenai perihal jentera BN itu. Bilik gerakan BN dikatakan kosong dan pekerja parti tidak banyak kelihatan.

Macam-macam teori dikeluarkan dalam menganalisis strategi Umno dan BN. Ada yang mengatakan jentera BN tidak bergerak kerena tempoh kempen kali ini agak panjang (13 hari). Malahan, ada yang berfikir bahawa BN telah membuat strategi baru yang tidak disedari pakatan pembangkang. Ramai juga yang percaya ketua bahagian Umno “menahan” peruntukan kerana mahu menggunakannya untuk pemilihan agung Umno yang bakal menjelang.

Tajol Rosli Ghazali mengesahkan teori yang pertama. Bekas menteri besar Perak itu - ketika ditanya oleh wartawan mengenai kelesuan kempen BN pada 1 Mac 2008 - dengan angkuhnya beliau berkata bahawa tempoh kempen pilihanraya terlalu panjang dan BN tidak memerlukan masa yang lama untuk berkempen.

“BN tidak perlu berkempen jika pembangkang tidak menabur fitnah. BN hanya turun untuk menjelaskan perkara sebenar bagi menangkis dakyah yang disebarkan pembangkang” katanya dengan penuh keyakinan. (Buletin Tengah Hari, TV3, 1 Mac 2008).

Mungkin kerana kenyataan 'sombong' yang dikeluarkan oleh Tajol Rosli itu, rakyat Perak telah menghukumnya dengan memberikan undi kepada pakatan pembangkang yang akhirnya menyaksikan, buat pertama kalinya, menteri besar Perak dilantik daripada parti yang bukan Umno.

Faktor Anwar Ibrahim

Selepas 10 tahun, inilah pertama kalinya Anwar Ibrahim berkempen dalam pilihanraya umum. Walaupun usianya telah meningkat, kehebatannya berpidato, tidak dapat dinafikan. Saya sempat menyaksikan siri ceramah Anwar di Machang, Kelantan. Ribuan manusia yang majoritinya “berkopiah putih” khusyuk mendengar pidato politik Anwar. Mereka sesekali tergelak ketika Anwar berjenaka.

Di kalangan ribuan yang hadir itu, terdapat juga hadirin yang kelihatan seperti orang Umno. Untuk apa mereka datang, tidak dapat pula saya pastikan. Tetapi ada kemungkinan, orang Umno ini rindukan bekas timbalan presiden mereka.

Strategi Abdullah-Khairy membubarkan parlimen sebelum Anwar dibenarkan bertanding membawa padah. Tanpa mempunyai sebarang beban untuk “menjaga kawasan”, Anwar menjelajah ke seluruh negara. Jika Anwar dibenarkan bertanding, tidak mungkin beliau akan mempunyai banyak masa untuk bergerak sebegitu bebas.

Di setiap tempat yang Anwar pergi, pastinya dihadiri ribuan orang. Rakyat yang menghadiri ceramah Anwar terdiri daripada pelbagai kaum. Di sesetengah tempat, masyarakat Cina dan India kelihatan lebih ramai daripada orang Melayu.

Penerangan bekas menteri kewangan itu tentang bagaimana beliau akan menurunkan harga minyak jika pakatan pembangkang diberi peluang untuk mentadbir negara, mampu meyakinkan rakyat. Dengan fakta dan bahasa yang mudah, rakyat dapat memahami apa yang cuba diterangkan oleh Anwar.

Tahun lalu, dalam sebuah artikel yang ditulis oleh Jocelyn Tan di akhbar The Star, kumpulan “tingkat empat” yang diketuai menantu Pak Lah mengatakan bahawa Anwar bukanlah lagi satu faktor bagi Umno untuk menghadapi pilihanraya. Khairy, Norza Zakaria dan Zaki Zahid yang mendakwa mereka mewakili generasi muda di Malaysia, yakin generasi yang mereka wakili tidak terpengaruh dengan Anwar.

Kesombongan kumpulan “tingkat empat” sampai ke kemuncaknya apabila Ketua Pemuda Umno Wilayah Persekutuan, Norza Zakaria mencabar Anwar bertanding di mana-mana kerusi di Kuala Lumpur. Akan tetapi, Anwar tidak dapat menyambut cabaran itu kerana beliau tidak boleh bertanding dalam pilihanraya sebelum 14 April 2008.

Tidak lama lagi, “pantang” bekas timbalan perdana menteri itu akan berakhir. Jika salah satu kerusi parlimen di Kuala Lumpur dikorbankan oleh mana-mana ahli parlimen pakatan pembangkang untuk Anwar bertanding, beranikah Norza berdepan dengannya?

Gerila Siber

Pembangunan Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) telah memerangkap pemerintah Malaysia. Rakyat Malaysia kini telah mempunyai satu ruang di mana mereka terdedah kepada pelbagai maklumat tanpa adanya sekatan.

Dahulu, maklumat boleh dikawal sepenuhnya oleh Umno-BN. Rakyat Malaysia hanya dapat membaca, melihat dan mendengar berita-berita yang disajikan oleh media arus perdana.

Dengan adanya internet, penguasaan terhadap maklumat telah berjaya dipecahkan. Portal media seperti Malaysiakini, Malaysia Today, Harakahdaily , KL Pos dan banyak lagi, telah menjadi media alternatif kepada rakyat Malaysia.

Tekanan dan cengkaman yang kuat pemerintah Malaysia terhadap rakyat, dengan menggunakan akta-akta tidak demokratik, telah malahirkan begitu ramai “gerilawan siber”.

Kelahiran gerila siber ini bertambah dari masa ke semasa sehinggakan pasukan “cybertrooper” tajaan Azalina Othman yang baru sahaja dilantik sebagai Menteri Perlancongan, tidak berdaya untuk melawan.

Tanpa disuruh, gerila-gerila siber ini telah melahirkan ribuan laman untuk “menyerang” pemerintah BN. Teknologi blog telah menyebabkan perang gerila siber menjadi semakin hebat. Kurang dari 3 minit, sebuah blog sudah boleh dimulakan.

Kalau tak percaya sila layari http://sopo-sentral.blogspot.com, anda pasti akan terperanjat dengan lahirnya begitu banyak laman blog “sosio politik” di Malaysia.

Serangan demi serangan dari pelbagai penjuru, akhirnya merebahkan BN di beberapa negeri terutama di bandar-bandar yang mempunyai akses kepada internet. Contoh yang terbaik ialah di Kuala Lumpur di mana pakatan pembangkang berjaya menyapu sembilan daripada 10 kerusi parlimen. Bandar Shah Alam yang selama ini menjadi kubu kuat Umno, jatuh kepada PAS.

Hala tuju Umno dan BN?

Walaupun hilang majoriti dua pertiga BN di parlimen, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi terus menjadi perdana menteri Malaysia bagi penggal kedua. Abdullah tidak menghiraukan desakan dan tuntutan yang mahukan beliau meletakkan jawatan.

Mukhriz Mahathir menjadi pencetus kepada gerakan dalam Umno menuntut Abdullah meletakkan jawatannya. Beliau mengikut jejak ayahnya yang menghantar surat kepada perdana menteri untuk mendesaknya meletakkan jawatan sebagai bertanggungjawab kepada hilangnya majoriti dua pertiga BN dan beberapa negeri kepada pembangkang.

Dr Mahathir pernah melakukan perkara yang sama selepas Perikatan kalah teruk dalam pilihanraya umum 1969 apabila beliau menghantar surat kepada Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Sebelum ini, Abdullah ketika diminta mengulas tentang surat Mukhriz berkata, beliau menyerahkan kepada Ketua Pemuda Umno, Hishamuddin Tun Hussein untuk mengambil tindakan. Namun, selepas mesyuarat pemuda Umno semalam, Hishamuddin berkata, Mukhriz tidak dikenakan sebarang tindakan dan menyerahkan balik perkara itu kepada Abdullah sebagai presiden Umno.

Kabinet baru yang diumumkan oleh Abdullah telah menyingkirkan separuh daripada muka lama, dijangka menyemarakkan pertembungan dalam Umno. Orang Najib Tun Razak telah terkeluar dari senarai tersebut. Kabinet baru ini dijangka membantu Abdullah dalam pemilihan pucuk pimpinan Umno yang akan datang, dan sekaligus mengekang kemaraan Najib.

Walaupun Khairy Jamaluddin tidak diberikan sebarang jawatan menteri, orang-orangnya telah berada “dalam” kabinet dan memegang portfolio penting. Contohnya, Wan Farid Wan Salleh yang dilantik menjadi senator, memegang jawatan Timbalan Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri. Sepupu kepada menantu PM, Shaziman Mansor pula dilantik menjadi Menteri Tenaga, Air dan Komunikasi.

Barisan Nasional (BN) yang ditubuhkan oleh Tun Razak Hussein pada tahun 1973 sebagai satu formula baru selepas kegagalan Perikatan dalam pilihanraya 1969 kini sudah menunjukkan tanda-tanda sudah “expired”. Kemungkinan besar satu formula baru akan dirancang sebagai langkah untuk mengembalikan keyakinan rakyat.

Persoalannya ialah siapakah yang akan mengepalai formula baru ini? Sempatkah Najib mengikut jejak bapanya?

Before Guan Eng, Musa Hitam has openly told the whole world the need to completely abolish NEP



Before Guan Eng, Musa Hitam has openly told the whole world the need to completely abolish NEP

Posted by labisman
Thursday, 20 March 2008. MT

Musa: Brief Umno on why it has to give up NEP

By MEERA VIJAYAN

(STAR - FRIDAY MARCH 23, 2007): Umno should have a special briefing to explain to its members why it was time to give up the New Economic Policy (NEP) for the success of the Iskandar Development Region (IDR).

Iskandar Development Region Authority (IRDA) advisory council member Tun Musa Hitam who proposed this also volunteered to be one of the speakers at the briefing.

He said that there were already hundreds of Malays who had the capability to do business and on merit.

As someone who had been active in Umno for several decades, Musa said, he realised that there was a need to have a change in mindset to draw investors to the country.

“The briefing should explain what the IDR is, its implications to the country and to the Malays,” he said during a press conference at Danga Bay after the book launch of The Reluctant Politician: Tun Dr Ismail and His Time.

In the last few decades of the NEP, the country used to have an Ali Baba way of doing business where Ali would give his name and Baba would do all the work.

“As time went on, Ali and Baba became equal and Ali was able to deliver as much as Baba. Now, there are even Alis who are using the Babas not as sleeping partners but as equals,” he quipped.

Musa also said that foreign investors who came to the country were not interested in the NEP, cronyism or nepotism as their primary focus was on making money.

He suggested that instead of imposing conditional approvals, a more palatable method would be to provide potential foreign and local investors with a list of Malay entrepreneurs who were capable of doing business and leaving it the investors to decide.

Musa said that he had already asked for a computerised master list of all Malay entrepreneurs to be drawn up and the list would include their current grades as well as their past performance and track record which would be made available to any investor.

“The IDR is an opportunity to demonstrate that we have arrived and we are able to do this,” he said.

Why Anwar Matters





March 2008
Why Anwar Matters
by Firas Ahmad

Less than 10 years ago former Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was languishing in prison, suffering from arsenic poisoning surreptitiously introduced into his drinking water. Mr. Anwar was sacked after challenging the rule of then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed. Jailed on what he claimed to be politically motivated charges of sodomy and corruption, not only was Mr. Anwar’s political career apparently over, but his life was in danger. Only after his family secretly smuggled blood samples out of the country to confirm the poisoning were steps taken to ensure his health.

Fast forward to March 8, 2008. Even though he remains unable to stand for election until April of 2008 due to his previous incarceration, the Anwar-led opposition coalition dealt a stunning blow to the ruling Barisan National (BN) Party, breaking its decades-old super majority control of parliament. To call it a “comeback” would be an understatement. While the BN continues to hold a simple majority, a tectonic shift has taken place in Malaysian politics, and it was in many ways engineered by Mr. Anwar.

The last time the ruling BN party failed to secure a super majority in parliament was 1969. Following the elections, Chinese celebrations sparked race riots that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of individuals. This national trauma catalyzed the establishment of a controversial race-based system of governance rooted in a New Economic Policy (NEP) that gave preferential treatment to the majority Malay Muslim community. A tenuous arrangement with minority Chinese and Indian groups held the country together since that time, mostly under the rule of Mahathir Mohamed whose aggressive economic growth strategies propelled Malaysia into the third largest economy in Southeast Asia.

Overtime, however, political progress failed to keep pace with economic development. While the largest building in the world was constructed in Kuala Lumpur, political power continued to rest almost entirely along sectarian racial and religious lines. The BN remained unchallenged by a weak opposition incapable of organizing against the status quo. Corruption, mismanagement and concentration of wealth set in. The ruling party had almost complete control over the media, public gatherings, special security laws and other government apparatus.

A number of factors contributed to rising discontent amongst Malaysians across racial divides, including rising crime, a slowing economy, a number of very public corruption scandals and increased oil prices. In addition, increasing discontent emanated from the minority Chinese and Indian communities over the pro-Malay NEP. The BN, now led by Mahathir’s hand-picked successor Abdullah Badawi, recognized its support amongst Chinese and Indians would weaken, but expected that Malay support would remain strong so as to ensure pro-Malay policies.

This was a serious miscalculation. Not only did Chinese and Indians voters flock to the polls in support of the opposition, a number of Malays followed suit. There was a growing realization amongst average Malays that benefits from the NEP seldom found their way to working class segments of the community. Foreign investment continued to decline. Malaysia used to be America’s tenth largest trading partner. It is now number sixteen. While the economy continued to grow, fewer people were benefitting from the gains.

Therein lies Mr. Anwar’s most significant contribution to Malaysia’s political earthquake. He coalesced a fractured opposition movement around the elimination of race-based politics – and did so in such a manner that supporters of the ruling BN party felt no compulsion to turn to violence, as a number of them actually agreed with Mr. Anwar. The achievement was made nonetheless remarkable by the fact that he campaigned through a complete media black-out and relentless attacks on his character through state-controlled media, but continued to draw significant crowds in the tens of thousands across the country including in areas dominated by the ruling party. The opposition’s innovative use of Youtube and text-messaging no doubt played a role in this as well.

Mr. Anwar was able to broker a cooperative arrangement amongst three major opposition parties – the left leaning mostly Chinese DAP, the Malay Islamist PAS party and his own PKR multi-racial Justice Party - to challenge the BN one-to-one in each contest. The opposition was able to achieve what most said was impossible given the entrenched power of the ruling BN party; undercut BN support amongst Malays by appealing to their sense of justice and fairness.

Malaysia’s race-based system was likely to give way sooner or later, however Mr. Anwar paved a path for peaceful transition by bringing his credibility as a Malay politician to the table while simultaneously assuring Chinese and Indians that their rights would be respected. He talked Malays into letting go of the fear that incited communal riots in 1969. It is no small feat to peacefully transition out of entrenched systems of entitlement. One need only review Iraq’s unfortunate history since 2003 for an example of how such a process can be terribly mismanaged.

While the opposition victory is certainly critical for charting a more egalitarian future for Malaysia, it also bodes well for the development of Muslim democracy. The opposition coalition’s orientation brought moderate elements from the Islamist PAS party forward. PAS even fielded a non-Muslim candidate, an unprecedented move in its history. Meanwhile, Badawi sought to leverage racial divide by appealing to Malays through increasingly Islamist rhetoric. His efforts were resoundingly rebuked. The election results demonstrate that the majority Muslim country is interested in exploring a system politics that does not discriminate based on race or religion.

A weakened BN party cannot be entirely attributed to Anwar Ibrahim’s improbable political resurrection. However, he undoubtedly played a critical role in organizing the opposition and reasoning the Malay population through this transition. Political possibilities that were unthinkable last week in Malaysia are all of a suddenly on the table. Mr. Anwar refers to this reality as a new dawn for the country. If he is successful in accomplishing his stated goals, most fair-minded observers would have to agree.

Mr. Ahmad is an essayist based in Cambridge, Mass. His commentary and analysis has appeared in the Economist, the Washington Post and other publications on issues related to national and international politics.

Defections could sink Malaysia govt - Anwar




Wednesday March 19, 7:19 PM ,Reuters
Defections could sink Malaysia govt - Anwar

KUALA LUMPUR (Reuters) - Lawmakers from Malaysia's ruling coalition are willing to defect to the opposition, threatening to drag down the government, de facto opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said in an interview on Wednesday.

Anwar, who made a dramatic political comeback at elections on March 8, told Reuters that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's coalition was cracking apart and was fast losing support from smaller constituent parties based on Borneo island.

"The sentiments in Sabah and Sarawak are strong with a number of people approaching us," Anwar said, referring to Malaysia's two resource-rich but relatively undeveloped states on Borneo.

"They are approaching us because they realise -- for Sabah and Sarawak -- we have a better deal for them," he said, adding that the opposition would offer them more royalties from Borneo's natural resources, more development and more help for the poor.

"Events are unfolding fast. Things are changing," Anwar said in an interview in the front garden of his office, a bungalow in a leafy suburb of the capital.

The minor parties of Sabah and Sarawak ensured Abdullah's Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition clung to power in the elections, which gave Abdullah's main ruling party, the United Malaysia National Organisation (UMNO), the fright of its life.
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Barisan suffered the heaviest setback in its near-unbroken 50-year reign since independence. It lost its two-thirds majority in federal parliament and surrendered an unprecedented five states to the opposition, including its industrial heartlands.

Barisan nows holds a 29-seat majority in the 222-member parliament, razor thin by its own standards. Sabah and Sarawak parties, a world apart from the politics of peninsular Malaysia, delivered 42 seats to Barisan but they failed to get many senior ministries in Abdullah's new cabinet announced on Tuesday.

TROUBLE IN BORNEO PARADISE?

There is widespread talk of grumbling within Barisan's ranks on Boreno, especially in Sabah, but political experts do not feel Anwar could persuade as many as 29 of their MPs to defect.

Sarawak could be particularly hard to crack for Anwar because its chief minister, Abdul Taib Mahmud, is a Barisan stalwart whose son was appointed a deputy minister in the new cabinet.

"I think he's unlikely to get 29," said Zainon Ahmad, the political editor of the local Sun newspaper.

But Anwar said it remained a possibility, though he declined to say how many lawmakers had voiced a willingness to defect.

When asked if it was more than five, he said: "Of course it's more than five." When pressed if it was more than 10, he declined further comment, saying, "We'll come to that."

Asked if the opposition could win enough defections to gain power, he added: "You cannot rule out that possibility."

But the prime minister dismissed this. "Why should the government be toppled? The government is strong," Abdullah later told reporters, then hinted Anwar might be making inducements for MPs to defect. "We don't go around buying the people," he added.

An aide to Anwar, Din Merican, denied this. "We don't buy politicians. It would make a mockery of what we stand for."

Opposition parties won 82 seats, with Anwar's Parti Keadilan Rakyat (People's Justice Party) holding the biggest block of opposition seats at 31. The Democratic Acton Party, which is backed mostly by ethnic Chinese, and the Parti Islam se-Malaysia, an Islamist outfit, make up the rest of the opposition.

Anwar, a former deputy premier, was barred from standing for election on March 8 because of a corruption conviction. He was jailed for about six years until 2004 on corruption and sodomy charges that he said had been cooked up by the government.

Around half of Keadilan's newly elected MPs, including his wife, have offered to resign their seat so that he can come back to parliament through a by-election, he said. Until then, his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, has been chosen as parliamentary opposition leader, the opposition parties announced on Wednesday.

But Anwar has not ruled out a lawmaker from the prime minister's own party, UMNO, quitting and causing an opportunity for Anwar to contest. Anwar was once UMNO deputy leader and still draws grass-roots support from within the ruling party.

"Don't be surprised if there are by-elections in the UMNO-controlled seats," he said.

(Additional reporting by Niluksi Koswanage; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

Penang state gov't is a M'sian gov't .....My World



My World

Penang state gov't is a M'sian gov't Mar 19, '08 9:12 PM

This article copy from Malaysiakini.
Umran Kadir | Mar 19, 08 4:08pm

I refer to the Malaysiakini report Umno holds one-hour protest at Komtar.

‘Don't create an atmosphere that can cause racial tensions,’ PM Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said to the Barisan Rakyat government in Penang.

Perhaps he should be telling that to his supporters who held a demonstration outside the Komtar complex in Penang. Abdullah challenges the Penang State Government to show him "which community has been made poorer because of the NEP". A better indicator would be to determine which segment of Malaysian society has been enriched by the NEP and from there determine who has not benefitted from the NEP.

Clearly, it has not sunk in to Abdullah and his henchmen yet that significant numbers of Malays themselves didn't vote for Umno or BN because they know that the NEP has only benefitted Badawi and his ilk. The recent elections has even been described by one prominent commentator as ‘a rebellion of card-carrying members (of Umno)’ which was brought on by their ‘plain disgust’ with the Abdullah administration. What greater indictment can Umno face than this?

An end to or restructuring of the NEP in its present form will only disadvantage the elites who have benefitted from it to the detriment of all poor Malaysians. Conversely, it will assist poor Malaysians from all communities. This is plain as day - it is only Umno that wilfully denies this.

The truth is that Umno themselves betrayed the poor Malays. Now they are trying to stoke racial tensions in an effort to drum up support for themselves. The Penang state government is not a Chinese government. Nor is it a DAP government. It is a Malaysian government and it must remain so.

Perhaps Pak Lah and much of the rest of Umno don't understand yet that the time for racial politics is past. Pak Lah, when you said you intended to stay on despite BN's stellar losses I was willing to give you a second chance. I thought that since you had little to lose you might actually try and clean up Umno and BN. That you might actually try and keep some of those broken promises and perhaps leave something of a positive legacy. Was I wrong to trust you again?

Lim Guan Eng's statement expressing a desire to end the NEP is no different than statements made by Anwar Ibrahim or PAS. What all Malaysians want, irrespective of their race or religion, is a system that assists all poor Malaysians. And this is what the Barisan Rakyat parties have promised us.

Pak Lah, are you still the leader of Umno? You say that you are still the Prime Minister for all Malaysians. If you can't control the racists and troublemakers in your own party perhaps you should just quit now so that we Malaysians can get on with our lives. Malaysians are not going to be duped into falling for racial politics again.

Racial politics is out of fashion Pak Lah. Get with the times or leave. The same goes for any other politician who relies on the divisive politics of race to secure support.
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No wonder Penang Malays supported opposition.....My World




My World

No wonder Penang Malays supported opposition Mar 19, '08 9:19 PM

Abdul Rahman | Mar 19, 08 4:14pm

I refer to the Malaysiakini report Umno holds one-hour protest at Komtar.

Truthfully, I voted for BN in the 12th GE for Pak Lah and Umno in the hope that the Penang state will remain in BN's hands. So did many of my friends here in Kepala Batas. The people of Penang, however, voted for the opposition, so be it.

The protests made by Azhar Ibrahim in Penang is causing embarrassment for us, the Penang Malays, and is uncalled for. The other component BN parties from the other races don't behave that way. Why is Umno being a sore loser ? If we have lost, it's time we review what can be done to change and make Penang better in the hope that BN will be able to capture Penang back in the next GE.

Instead we show our frustration by calling for all the projects to be stopped which is detrimental to the people of Penang. Hey! I am staying in Penang (not in Penang Island itself though) and hope all these projects will benefit the rakyat. Fortunately, Pak Lah did not heed this unsound advice by these people.

Will all these protests help us Malays? These Umno leaders are causing anxiety for the people of Penang. They are not listening to the rakyat and continue to be arrogant. In fact, it makes me angry as well despite being a BN supporter to see these protests. No wonder many Penang Malays supported DAP, PKR or PAS.

Generally ,we Malays are well-behaved as we are taught to be religious and respect others. Penang Umno should focus on the the proper things and be a respected ‘opposition’ in Penang. Please stop being childish and focus on more important issues or else Umno will lose more of its Malay supporters to PKR or PAS in the future.

We tell Hindraf and some of these organisations that street protests are not our culture but we are doing the very thing we tell others not to. So what is the difference between Umno and these groups? I don't know what to say if my friends, Malay or non-Malay, ask me this question. This is a shame to us. If this simple thing we preach but cannot do ourselves. So how to talk about defending the NEP which is alleged by the opposition to benefit the Umnoputras and not bumiputeras. Will people listen to us?

Sorry, my English may not be so good but I hope Penang Umno leaders will behave themselves and not create more embarrassment for us Penang Malays by holding street protests. Champion for the cause of the Malays in a proper manner. Four or five years is not very long to the next GE. Umno must change before the people of Penang totally vote for the opposition even in Malay majority areas in the next GE.
Prev: Penang state gov't is a M'sian gov't

All leaders in states not controlled by Umno dominance must be careful.




March 15, 2008
Utusan and Bernama

All leaders in states not controlled by Umno dominance must be careful.

In the aftermath of the Abdullah debacle in GE2008, Utusan Malaysia and Bernama became the two media organisations that stoked political hatred, pitting Malays against non-Malays.

Both the media groups framed Lim Guan Eng for a mention of May 13, which the new Penang CM didn't say. I knew as I stood behind him during the press interview. And the CM's press secretary confirmed the same.

We queried Khalid Mohd, the Group Editor-in-Chief of Utusan. He passed the buck to Bernama, saying that his paper had used the national news agency's dispatch, though his reporters were present during Guan Eng's interview.

We took Khalid at face value and queried Yong Soo Heong, the Editor-in-Chief of Bernama. He faxed us this letter yesterday, which I reproduce verbatim:

March 14, 2008

YAB Sdra Lim Guan Eng
Chief Minister of Penang
28th Fl, Komtar
10502 Penang

Dear YAB,

On behalf of my colleagues in BERNAMA, I would like to congratulate your team and you for the recent victory in Penang.

I would also like to take this opportunity to apologise for the sloppy editing in the news story of March 12, 2008, which we mistakenly quoted you as commenting on the May 13 incident as well. The inclusion of the fact was intended to give background on the establishment of the NEP in 1971. Nevertheless, upon a thorough review, the inclusion of that fact along with your quote may have been inappropriate.

As we move forward, I would like to ensure you of BERNAMA's co-operation for your newly-formed government and shall always endeavour to help you promote the well-being of Penang and its people.

Yours sincerely,

YONG SOO HEONG
Editor-in-Chief

The Utusan-Bernama ruckus started when Guan Eng announced all government procurements in Penang will be through open tender -- something that the NEP did not address and went on to create cronies and entrench corruption in the system.

I hope the next time Umno leaders took to the streets to stoke people's sentiments along racial lines, you know who is to blame.

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Penggabungan Pas - Umno bukan tidak perlu waktu ini




Penggabungan Pas - Umno bukan tidak perlu waktu ini

Posted by Raja Petra
Tuesday, 18 March 2008, MT

Pas dan Umno umpama laki bini. Pas sebagai isteri yang ditendang dan dideritai tidak mungkin akan bersedia tidur sekatil dengan suami ganas bernama Umno selagi kepedihan ditampar masih terasa kesakitan dijati masih dikira!

ANTARA KITA

Oleh Mohd Sayuti Omar

BANGSA Umno seperti baru terbangkit dari tidur lena yang panjang kini. Keputusan pilihan raya umum ke-12 lalu menjadi trompet yang menyedarkan bangsa itu bangkit. Sebelum ini bangsa itu nyenyak atas tilam tebal dan tidak pernah merasa bimbang kepada hari-hari mendatang. Mereka sering mengira panas hingga ke petang dan tidak pernah mengira akan berlaku gerimis di tengah hari.

Namun keputusan pilihan lepas yang melayangkan empat buah negeri; Pulau Pinang, Kedah, Selangor dan Perak, bangsa itu seakan tercuit punggungnya. Dengan mata masih berpinar mereka mahu menolak apa yang berlaku. Tidak mempercayai penghukuman rakyat ke atas mereka yang menjajah rakyat selama setengah abad.

Namun akhirnya mereka juga terpaksa menerima hakikat. Dalam pada itu seribu dalil dan dalih dicari unuk membela diri mereka sendiri mengatakan mereka masih dipihak benar. Dasar...! Lagi sekali untuk kesekian kalinya pembangkang dijadikan kambing hitam. Jari kelingking, telunjuk dan semua jari ditunding kepada pembangkang khasnya Pas dan PKR.

Pas dan PKR dijadikan alat untuk menepis kekecewaan mereka. Dituduh Pas dan PKR menjual kerusi untuk kepentingan Cina – menjadi alat dan perkakas DAP. Anwar dituduh sebagai menjadi petualang bangsa! Aduh Saliha!. Begitulah bangsa yang merasakan mereka sudah lama bertamadun tidak pernah mengalah dan berasa bersalah.

Sehubungan itu meletuslah suara-suara yang kononnya daripada rakyat marhean mengeluh dan mengalunkan kebimbangan mengenai nasib bangsa di masa akan datang. Kononnya kedudukan Melayu akan terancam dan masa depannya juga menjadi suram temeram kerana Umno sudah ditolak. Wekkkkk.... Lantas cadangan dan pandangan dikumpul yang semuanya meluahkan rasa kesal dan marah atas apa yang berlaku. Rata-ratanya menyalahkan Pas dan Anwar Ibrahim dan sedikitpun tidak nampak kesalahan Umno.

Dalam pada itu ada yang mendayu-dayu (pastinya diajar) agar Pas dan Umno segera bergabung. Atas nama survival bangsa dan masa depan negara kedua pihak perlu berada dalam satu saf. Berbagai jenis dan golongan (pendidikan) manusia disuruh agar membuat desakan berkenaan dengan harapan membuka pintu hati pihak Pas.

Sesiapa pun sebagai bangsa Melayu yang tulen, mencintai adat dan budaya dan berpegang kepada agama rasmi negara – Islam?, bersretuju kalau kafilah Pas dan bangsa Umno bersatu dan duduk atas satu landasan. Mereka adalah serumpun yang mempunyai bau yang sama dan memiliki segalanya sama termasuk saiz-saiz anggota sulit yang sama.

Cuma apa yang ingin ditanyai apakah gesaan dan permintaan itu ikhlas? Apakah huluran tangan kepada Pas dan PKR itu suci dan murni untuk menyelamatkan bangsa? Ataupun pengabungan itu diperlukan bagi menyelamatkan individu-individu tertentu yang sebelum ini bakhil akal dan sombong peribadinya yang mana baru sedar setelah kepala terhantuk lambung! Mereka juga terdesak kerana bimbang kesalahan mereka akan dibongkar dan lengan mereka akan disarung dengan gelang besi!

Bagi Pas tentu sukar untuk mereka berbuat demikian meskipun ia tidak bukan langsung menolak. Pas juga mengira ada keperluan dan ruang-ruang kepentingan bangsa yang harus diisi secara bersama Umno. Tetapi seperti mana yang sering disebut Pas, peristiwa lampau masih mencengkam jantung mereka. Tragedi kebencian Umno kepada Pas sehingga menendang Pas dari Barisan Nasional (BN) tahun 1978 masih segar bugar dalam ingatan.

Pas dan Umno umpama laki bini. Pas sebagai isteri yang ditendang dan dideritai tidak mungkin akan bersedia tidur sekatil dengan suami ganas bernama Umno selagi kepedihan ditampar masih terasa kesakitan dijati masih dikira!

Pun begitu bukan bermakna pergaduhan itu akan berterusan selama-lamanya. Ia tetap ada titik tolak. Justeru bagi mereka yang ingin menghukum (pecat dari menjadi ahli Pas) sesiapa yang mengadakan perbicangan agar Umno dan Pas rujuk semula adalah tindakan yang kasar dan membelakangkan budaya perundingan. Selalunya mereka yang berpandangan demikian berkerja secara one man show dan tidak suka menerima pandanghan dan idea orang lain.

Kepada Umno yang kini sakit, pasrahlah dengan apa yang ada. Berikan peluang kepada Pas, PKR dan DAP membina kerajaan mereka. Berilah mereka peluang dan kritiklah secara konstruktif. Bagi saya kalau atas nama negara penggabungan bukan saja antara Umno dengan Pas, tetapi antara Umno, Pas, PKR dan DAP sekali.

Dalam keadaan sekarang ini apa-apa teori atau perkiraan pun tidak wajar kalau mengkesampingkan DAP. Atas nama demokrasi dan kebebasan bersuara terimalah realiti yang ada hari ini kerana rakyat telah memilih mereka sehingga Dewan Rakyat akan dibubarkan lima tahun akan datang.

Dan kepada mereka yang mempersoalkan kejujuran DAP dan curiaga terhadapnya berhubung dengan Melayu, saya ingin menanyai balik apakah kelebihan dan jaminan bahawa Gerakan dan MCA juga tidak memiliki unsur-unsur yang boleh dicurigai oleh orang Melayu? Bahkan bukan itu saja, para elita dan bangsawan di dalam Umno itu sendiri juga ada kalanya memiliki unsur-unsur yang perlu dicurigai tentang patriotisme mereka.

Malaysia rocked to the economic core... What now after NEP ?




Malaysia rocked to the economic core

Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 20 March 2008, MT

"A few years ago, all talk about 'Malays losing power' would have invoked street demonstrations but it doesn't seem to work now," says Rustam Sani.

............................

What now after NEP ?
Wednesday, 19 March 2008

If the NEP goes, what will replace it? The Malaysian Economic Agenda? This policy calls for providing assistance to all those who need it, irrespective of ethnicity.

Fine, but PKR, DAP and Pas leaders must realise that the people voted for more subsidies and greater government social spending. This is what they were promised. They did not vote for “free market”, “business friendly” policies. Neither did they opt for neoliberal policies (privatisation, corporatisation and policies favouring the corporate elite), which have actually widened the gap between the rich and the poor.

Voting for greater democracy does not mean support for “free-market” policies. Actually, what we often have in Malaysia is a situation, as economist Charles Santiago puts it, “where you had subsidies for the rich and a free market economy for the poor. While you subsidise the rich on one side, the debt of the country is being borne by the middle-classes and the poor”.

So true - just think of the billions of ringgit in gas subsidies dished out to the lucrative Independent Power Producers, who are raking in the profits.

Remember, ordinary Malaysians voted in droves for people-centred development (projects that really benefit the ordinary people) rather than corporate-driven development (mega projects that primarily benefit the corporate elite while ruining the environment).

..................................

Power shift to the provinces

By Anil Netto, ASIA TIMES ONLINE

Malaysia's race-based affirmative action policies have come under the spotlight in the aftermath of a pivotal general election which saw opposition parties making sweeping gains.

Opposition parties captured the "rice-bowl" state of Kedah and the industrialized states of Penang, Perak and Selangor in addition to retaining power in the Muslim heartland state of Kelantan on the east coast in the March 8 general election.

The three industrial states will be ruled by coalition governments made up of the multi-ethnic - but largely ethnic Chinese - Democratic Action Party (DAP), the multi-ethnic People's Justice Party (PKR) and the Islamic party PAS. The opposition parties won 82 of 222 parliamentary seats while the ruling federal coalition Barisan Nasional (BN), or National Front, clinched 51.5% of the popular vote.

The new state governments now have their work cut out for them to make good on their opposition campaign promises of ending the New Economic Policy in favor of their "Malaysian Economic Agenda". The NEP was introduced in 1971 to uplift the economic position of the majority ethnic Malays and remove the stereotyping of race with specific occupations.

But along the road, economic planners became obsessed with its 30% target for bumiputra (Malays and other indigenous groups) equity ownership while huge privatization projects and neo-liberal policies benefited the elite of all ethnic groups. This concentrated wealth in their hands while fueling discontent among the lower-income groups who have struggled to cope with rising prices for essential goods and services, as income inequalities grew.

One of the first things the new state government in Penang did was to announce a major policy shift in running the government free from "the New Economic Policy that breeds cronyism, corruption and systemic inefficiency".

"We will implement an open tender system for all government procurement and contracts," said new chief minister Lim Guan Eng from the DAP during his swearing in on Tuesday. The new state government would also practice transparency by uploading information of such tender bids in an Internet portal to be set up for public access, he added.

That did not go down well with leaders of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), which along with coalition partner Gerakan, had just lost power in Penang.

On Friday, some 1,000 protesters led by UMNO representatives staged a demonstration outside the Penang chief minister's office. They were worried that ethnic Malays would be sidelined if the government disregarded the NEP.

"I do not think Malay contractors object to the open tender system as it is more transparent. I just want to rectify some of the mistakes committed during the previous administration," Lim later clarified.

The pro-NEP demonstration is the action of people trying to come to terms with what is going on, says Rustam Sani, one of the country's leading public intellectuals and writer on Malay and Malaysian nationalism. "The language of ethnic politics is suddenly not working and they are hanging on to it and trying to revive it."

"A few years ago, all talk about 'Malays losing power' would have invoked street demonstrations but it doesn't seem to work now," he added.

"For UMNO, the language and political idiom they have used all these years doesn't seem to be as effective as it used to be. They have to re-tool the political idioms or re-tool themselves! That's not easy - it's a political and intellectual challenge; it's a tough job."

As for the new opposition-led state governments, Rustam said he detected a certain impatience in its onslaught on the NEP from the start: "We need to go slow. I hope there is more wisdom. We must not let them use our impatience with trying to get rid of such policies [to their advantage]."

Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, for his part, said the question of abolishing the 20-year NEP was a non-issue as the policy expired in 1991. Since then, he pointed out, the government has set up a National Economic Consultative Council (Mapen) to take responsibility for planning the country's economy.

"Through Mapen, many policies had been agreed upon for implementation by the government and among the policies were two policies taken from the NEP, with one being the overall eradication of poverty irrespective of race, and the second dealt with distribution," he said.

But the term "NEP", with its reminder of pro-Malay policies, carries huge historical and psychological baggage, said Rustam. "And it will take some time for the new state governments to explain their agenda. There is a need for both sides to handle change and the perception of change."

Opposition icon Anwar Ibrahim led the charge in calling for an end to the NEP in favor of a new Malaysian Economic Agenda in the run-up to the March 8 general election. Anwar himself believes in a pro-growth free market economy balanced by humane policies to ensure "equity and distributive justice".

The NEP has a certain flavor to it that UMNO can still exploit, warned Rustam. "I think there is no need to [actually] say that 'we are ending the NEP'. We can achieve more by implementing something that is different from what has been done all this while such as transparency and open tenders."

UMNO must realize by now that the Malays voted against the Barisan Nasional partly because they are unhappy with the party's approach to the NEP, said economist Charles Santiago, just elected to Parliament under a DAP ticket.

"While the original NEP aims were laudable, it later turned into a policy to enrich the Barisan putras [princes], largely from UMNO," Santiago said. "The average Malay was feeling the increase in prices, their jobs were no longer protected and inflation was eating into their income. Real wages were coming down [but] you didn't find UMNO providing support. In fact, it was removing subsidies for the average citizen."

"You had a situation where you had subsidies for the rich and a free market economy for the poor. While you subsidize the rich on one side, the debt of the country is being borne by the middle-classes and the poor."

Santiago said UMNO should come to terms with the fact that the way the NEP was implemented had made some Malays very rich while marginalizing a whole lot of poorer and middle class Malays. As a result, he added, UMNO's legitimacy as the "protector" of Malays has been called into question.

He, however, cautioned opposition politicians from interpreting the opposition gains and their mandate as a vote for free market policies. In fact, many ordinary people were promised more subsidies, including oil subsidies, if the opposition came to power (at the federal level).

"Opposition parties must realize it was free market policies, privatization and labor market restructuring that resulted in many people opposing the BN," said Santiago.
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Back In the Light




Back In the Light

Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 20 March 2008, MT

Purged, jailed and humiliated in the late 1990s, Anwar Ibrahim has staged a remarkable comeback at the helm of an opposition insurgency.

Lorien Holland and George Wehrfritz, NEWSWEEK

Anwar Ibrahim takes six calls in quick succession on three different mobile phones. Five days after Malaysia's general election—in which his coalition shocked observers by winning several key states and almost ousting the long-ruling party—he has segued from surprise victor to tireless political operative, ironing out disagreements and building bridges within the still-fractious opposition. Inside his low-key suburban office, tucked several kilometers away from Parliament in leafy Kuala Lumpur, Anwar's sense of purpose—destiny, even—is palpable. "Just listen to what the others have to say. Listen," he tells one caller. "Stay calm, go home and have some dinner, some Panadol, whatever you need," he tells another, adding, "If there are still strong views and you can't solve it, let me handle [it]."

The performance is vintage Anwar: the great conciliator doing what he does best. Barely a decade ago, this was the man who was going to help Asia and the West see eye to eye and bridge the chasm between Islam and other faiths. As Finance minister and then deputy prime minister of Malaysia in the late 1990s, Anwar was heir apparent to the strongman Mahathir Mohammed. But it was always an odd pairing. Mahathir was an angry anti-colonialist, forever railing against the West; he denounced Western pressure for democracy and human rights as cultural imperialism, an affront to more authoritarian "Asian values," and fiercely resisted international attempts to dismantle Malaysia's cozy and corrupt business culture after the Asian financial crisis. Anwar, by contrast, was a proud universalist, a personally pious Muslim who was also a relentless modernizer and whose penchant for quoting Gandhi and declaring the necessity of democracy and economic openness won him international acclaim. In speeches filled with terms like "civil society" and "freedom," Anwar opposed the notion that Asians were somehow destined for repressive rule and sought to turn regional vehicles like ASEAN into forces to promote liberty and justice. This won him widespread adoration—he was named NEWSWEEK's Asian of the Year in 1998—and made him a darling of the Davos set.

But it also led to his downfall. By 1998, Mahathir had had enough of his high-flying deputy, and after Anwar publicly broke with his boss over the response to the Asian financial crisis (which Anwar hoped to use to impose fiscal discipline and dismantle Mahathir's crony system), he was sacked and then jailed on what were widely seen as trumped-up corruption and sodomy charges. "It was a terrible time," Anwar admits in a NEWSWEEK interview, but not one he is not eager to revisit. Asked about Mahathir, over whom he would appear to have scored a historic reversal of fortune, Anwar won't take the bait, dismissing his former patron as old, ill and "not an issue for me … In order to succeed, we have to look beyond him."

Under Malaysian law, Anwar is barred from holding office until April 15. Yet clearly the rising fortunes of his party make him once again a potential prime minister, though this time around his ambitions appear focused solely on Malaysia, not Asia and the world. Asked if he was poised once again to act as a bridge figure between East and West, Anwar embraced that "important role" as one he had been "playing for a long time," but then quickly gave it a distinctly local focus: reassuring both Malays and non-Malays and getting them to work together in his party.

Thanks to widespread disgust with the lackluster performance of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, the three-party opposition more than quadrupled its presence in Parliament (going from 20 to 82 seats out of 222), and it now controls five of Malaysia's 13 states. The greater import is clear: even some members of Abdullah's camp are now calling for his resignation, and "Anwar has returned as a major force," says Bridget Welsh, a Southeast Asia expert at Johns Hopkins University in Washington.

But the opposition still has to parlay those results into effective control. For the moment, Abdullah remains in charge, if barely. Still, the election was a water- shed, the closest the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) has come to defeat since independence in 1957. The best Abdullah could say about the drubbing was to call it "democracy at work," and Mahathir, who retired in 2003, called it "shocking"—adding, suggestively, "The Japanese would have committed hara-kiri."

The vote also represented a major challenge to Malaysia's wide-ranging race-based affirmative-action program, which, under Mahathir gave the country's ethnic Malay majority broad preferences over the long-dominant Chinese community in business affairs. Even if the fragile center now holds in Kuala Lumpur, UMNO will soon face unprecedented threats from state governments now controlled by the opposition. Following a pattern discernible elsewhere in Southeast Asia, Anwar and his allies are staging an assault on the cronyism and patronage of old and pledging social justice, openness, transparency, and anticorruption measures.

The new movement is something of a sequel to the failed Reformasi drive of the late 1990s. Launched by Anwar after his ouster in late 1998, it aimed to ignite a "people power" uprising of the sort that had toppled Suharto in Indonesia. But Reformasi fizzled after Anwar's criminal conviction; he ultimately served six years in prison.

Yet Malaysians' desire for change never died. Abdullah, handpicked by Mahathir on the assumption he'd be easy to control, actually took up the reform mantle himself at first, pledging sweeping change during the campaign of 2004. Abdullah vowed to promote moderate Islam to counter creeping fundamentalism, promised an anti-corruption campaign and suggested he might turn back Malaysia's race-based development policies. Voters responded well, especially when, in 2005, he began dismantling massive Mahathir-era infrastructure projects. But the electorate slowly soured on the new leader as scandal and indecisiveness hobbled his administration. "He did not deliver effectively, and Malaysians called him on it," says Welsh.

If anything, the opposition's triumph was even more significant than the raw numbers indicate. Anwar's People's Justice Party grabbed 31 seats—up from just one in 2004—and its victors included his wife and daughter. Opposition candidates dominated in peninsular Malaysia's west coast, seizing the key industrial states of Penang and Selangor. To reach voters, the opposition relied on bloggers, You-Tube and text messages sent to grass-roots organizers via cell phone: common tactics in places like Indonesia, Taiwan and South Korea but new to Malaysia. Indeed, they took UMNO and its National Front coalition so much by surprise that the opposition nearly won the election outright. Anwar, for one, thinks it could have; during his NEWSWEEK interview, he hinted at fraud connected to the use of mail-in votes and the Election Commission's last-minute decision to scrap plans to stain the voters' fingers with indelible ink.

The electorate also broke with the race-based voting patterns of old. Malaysia's Chinese and Indian minorities, which make up a quarter and a tenth of the population, respectively, deserted government-allied ethnic parties in favor of Anwar's Justice candidates and those of center-left Democratic Action Party. The rebellion of ethnic Indians was particularly dramatic; many quit the pro-government Malaysian Indian Congress and the MIC's leader even lost his seat. "This is new territory" for the ruling party, says Garry Rodan, director of the Asia Research Centre at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia. "The [party's] longstanding emphasis on ethnic identity to mask socioeconomic inequalities traversing ethnic groups has much less currency now."

Anwar's coalition deftly managed this feat by playing on one issue that united Malaysians whatever their race, sex or station: dismay at rising prices that have lead to hoarding of some staples like cooking oil. Jeff Ooi, a blogger turned parliamentary candidate, traded on this anger, writing in February that "now that the cost of living has gone up, unhappiness is fermenting." By promising to raise the people's concerns in Parliament, Ooi won a seat in Penang with an impressive 16,000-ballot margin (out of 46,000).

Now the opposition must quickly transform its promises into a cohesive strategy for governing. Given internal divisions, that won't be easy; the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party wants to establish an Islamic state, while the secular, center-left Democratic Action Party wants to abolish pro-Malay preferences. These divisions kept the opposition from uniting during the last election, in 2004. But Anwar and his Justice Party are hoping to provide a bridge; in addition to controlling the most seats, his party sits between its partners on most issues. Anwar himself is working overtime to find common ground, using his charismatic magic on all parties. Before the election, he managed to persuade the three factions to divvy up constituencies so as to avoid splitting the vote, and ever since he's been working his cell phones relentlessly, jawboning allies into submission. Though he lacks a formal position, Anwar hopes to enter Parliament soon: he plans to ask an ally to resign once his legal ban lifts, and then to run for the seat in a by-election.

Any number of things could disrupt his grand plans. His Islamic allies could prove too uncompromising, or Malaysia's economy could deteriorate—something the newly empowered opposition might be blamed for. On the first trading day after the election, the Kuala Lumpur Composite Index fell by almost 10 percent, as investors dumped shares in companies with large government contracts.

Yet if he manages to hold on, Anwar's comeback will offer a powerful lesson on the dangers of complacency for long-ruling parties throughout Asia. The 4 million citizens of neighboring Singapore, for example, are already watching events closely, and comparing UMNO's fate to the city's own dominant political machine. Abdullah's shortcomings—scandals and political indecisiveness—have no obvious equivalents in Singapore. Yet UMNO's surprise setback "holds a lesson" for the city-state, one reader argued in a letter to The Straits Times last week. "Democracy's tool, the vote, is powerful and swift. A government chosen by its people must stay in touch with the ground. An incumbent who holds power for too long" could run into trouble fast if he becomes unresponsive, the writer warned.

That has been Anwar's point since the 1990s. With his nemesis, Mahathir, now reduced to carping from the sidelines, and the government coalition looking shakier than ever before, Anwar has again illustrated the fact that when fed-up citizens demand sweeping change, they can accomplish it. Anwar, of course, still has to turn promises into reality. But he's already made one thing very clear: if anyone can accomplish it, Anwar's the man.

Nasi kandar sellers hit by boycott




Nasi kandar sellers hit by boycott

Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 20 March 2008, MT

(THE STAR) - Nasi kandar operators are appealing to Penangites not to boycott their outlets, as they had nothing to do with last Friday's street protest at Komtar.

Malaysian Muslim Restaurant Operators Association president K.K. Sihabutheen said some members had complained of poor business following the circulation of an SMS, calling on the people to boycott their stalls after the demonstration.

There are over 250 nasi kandar outlets in Penang alone as the Indian Muslim fare is popular among people of all races here.

Sihabutheen, who is co-director of the homegrown Pelita chain, said it was unfair to spread rumours on nasi kandar operators when they were not even involved in the demonstration.

"We are all very busy with our business, where can we find the time to go to Komtar to protest? Anyway, such an act will not benefit us," he said in an interview.

"I have been told that outlets in Chinese populated areas have reported slow business due to a drop in customers the last few days," he said.

He advised nasi kandar sellers not to panic as he believed the business slowdown was temporary and the people would soon realise there was no truth in the rumour.

Bayan Baru Kassim Mustafa outlet supervisor Ibrahim Majid said his business was not directly affected but many regular customers had shown him the SMS.

“I am surprised why we businessmen are being ‘penalised’ over a political issue we are not even involved in,” he lamented.

Logistics executive Mandeep Singh, 33 said the SMS did not have any effect on him, as he was not easily influenced.

“It will not do anyone good to boycott the food,” said the nasi kandar lover.

Jacky Tan, 40, said he heard about the SMS from a friend but did not receive any such message himself.

“I think it is unnecessary to boycott mamak food. We shouldn’t blame the community for what happened at Komtar,” he added.

Jalan ke hadapan






Jalan ke hadapan

Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 20 March 2008,MT

Politik Malaysia pasca pilihanraya umum ke-12

Melihat kepada perkembangan-perkembangan yang berlaku dalam masa tidak sampai dua minggu ini, kita berasa optimis bahawa negara kita akan selamat, aman dan terus maju.

Oleh: Kassim Ahmad

Katakanlah, “Tuhan kami, pemilik segala kedaulatan! Engkau memberikan kedaulatan kepada siapa yang Engkau pilih. Engkau melucutkan kedaulatan daripada siapa yang Engkau pilih. Engkau mengurniakan maruah kepada siapa yang Engkau pilih, serta menghinakan siapa yang Engkau pilih. Pada tangan-Mu segala kebaikan. Di atas segala sesuatu, Engkau berkuasa. Engkau memasukkan malam ke dalam siang dan memasukkan siang ke dalam malam. Engkau mengeluarkan yang hidup daripada yang mati, dan mengeluarkan yang mati daripada yang hidup, dan Engkau memberi rezeki kepada siapa yang Engkau pilih tanpa hisab.” – Quran, 3: 26-27

Keputusan Pilihanraya Umum Malaysia yang ke-12 telah meninggalkan kesan-kesan yang besar dan membawa kemungkinan-kemungkinan dan harapan untuk suatu politik baru di negara kita. Dalam artikel ini, kita akan mengkaji kemungkinan-kemungkinan dan harapan ini.

Perlu kita mengelak pandangan hidup liberalisme yang tidak berpijak di bumi nyata. Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, atau Malaya, dan kemudian Malaysia, lahir dalam suatu konteks sejarah dan budaya – dari Kesultanan Melayu Melaka atau Empayar Melaka, dalam kenteks sejarah dan budaya yang dikenal dengan istilah Alam Melayu, atau Kepulauan Melayu, atau Nusantara. Institusi Raja-raja Melayu dan Yang Dipertuan Agung, sebagai kuasa yang berdaulat, kedudukan bahasa Melayu dan agama Islam dan lain-lain yang bersangkutan, menunjukan keterikatan Malaysia Baru dengan konteks sejarahnya.

Inilah yang dirujukkan sebagai Ketuanan Melayu. Ini dimensi sejarah negara kita. Di samping itu, kita sedang menuju ke arah pembinaan sebuah bangsa baru, Bangsa Malaysia. Apabila Singapura masuk Malaysia dalam tahun 1963, PAP menonjolkan slogan “Malaysia Malaysia” yang akhirnya membawanya tersingkir dari Malaysia. Setelah lebih empat puluh tahun, konsep Bangsa Malaysia telah diutarakan oleh Kerajaan kita sendiri dalam Kertas Gagasan Wawasan 2020. Ini menunjukkan tidak ada percanggah asas dalam gagasan Malaysia “Ketuanan Melayu” dengan gagasan Malaysia “Bangsa Malaysia”. Gagasan ini gasasan yang realistik, berpijak di bumi nyata, padahal gagasan liberal gagasan yang wujud dalam vakum dan tidak boleh dicapai.

Walaupun konsep kongsi kuasa dalam gabungan parti B.N. berbentuk parti-parti dari sesuatu kaum, ia ditonjolkan sebagai tidak perkuaman. Pada praktiknya, ia tidak benar. Malah pemimpin-pemimpinnya masing-masing ingin membuktikana bahawa merekalah wira dan pejuang kaum itu. Pemimpin-pemimpin seperti ini mengobankan prinsip serta mendakap oporcunisma. Lama-kelamaan perjuangan untuk membela bangsa merosot menjadi oporcumisme untuk merebut jawatan, pangkat dan kekayaan. Kes-kes kegagalan B.N. menawan kembali Kelantan dan kehilangan empat negeri lain membuktikan keterpencilan B.N. dari rakyat jelata, termasuk dari orang Melayu sendiri. Masa sudah berubah.

Sekarang bunyi suara supaya UMNO dan PAS bersatu. Ini patut dilakukan pada awal dulu. Malah sejarah membuktikan bahawa PAS sebagian dari UMNO yang kemudian berpecah untuk menubuhkan sebuah parti yang berasingan. Kedua-dua UMNO dan PAS tidak menunjukkan komitmen yang mendalam untuk kedua-duanya bersatu. Setelah lima puluh tahun fikiran rakyat sudah berubah. Parti-parti yang dibentuk mengikut kaum, nampaknya, dari keputusan piliharaya umum ke-12 ini, telah ditolak oleh rakyat semua kaum. Kita tidak mungkin berbalik ke zaman itu lagi.

Namun demikian gagasan besar “Bangsa Malaysia” masih samar. Bangsa Malaysia bersifat Melayu, atau Cina, atau India, atau apa? Soal ini penting dan mendefinasikan Malaysia dalam konteks sejarah dan budayanya, yang telah kita sebutkan tadi. Barisan Nasional, khasnya parti UMNO yang menjadi tulang-belakangnya, dalam masa yang lama yang diberikan sejarah, gagal memperteguh dan memantapkan sifat Malaysia ini melalui sistem pendidikannya dan melalui dasar-dasar kebebasan dan persamaan dalam hal-hal aama dan kebudayaan.

Islam yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Negara sebagai “agama rasmi” atau “agama negara” telah ditafsirkan secara sempit untuk memaksakan tafsiran itu secara tidak adil kepada semua semua kumpulan agama. Kebebasan agama yang mutlak dijaminkan oleh Tuhan dalam Quran dalam ayat yang masyhur (2: 26): “Tiada paksaan dalam agama. Jalan yang betul sekarang telah jelas dari jalan yang salah.” Di samping itu, Malaysia telah didefinasikan sebagai sebuah “negara Islam” dengan implikasi dinobatkan undang-undang Syariah. Harus disedari bahawa apa yang dikatakan undang-undang Syariah ialah ciptaan kaum fukaha (golongan peguam klasik) yang kebanyakannya tiada dalam Quran, malah sesetengahnya bercanggah dengan ajaran-ajaran Quran. Inilah yang menyebabkan kes-kes konflik agama, seperti kes Lina Joy dan lain-lain, dalam masa beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini.

Perhatikan bahawa dalam Perlembagaan Madinah yang masyhur itu, yang digubal sendiri oleh Nabi Muhammad sendiri, tiada langsung tersebut istilah “negara Islam” atau istilah “Hukum Hudud”. Konsep yang ada dalam Quran ialah “sebuah negara yang baik di bawah kedaulatan Tuhan yang pengampun.” (Quran, 34: 15) Quran memerintahkan kita, apabila kita menjadi pemerintah, supaya memerintah dengan adil. Undang-undang kesiksaan yang dianjurkan oleh Quran harus dicirikan oleh dua prinsip saja, iaitu keadilan dan ihsan. Pemerintahan-pemerintahan yang mengikut prinsip-prinsip ini layak digolongkan sebagai pemerintahan-pemerintahan yang diredai Tuhan.

Dengan perubahan-perubahan yang telah dibawa oleh pilihanraya umum yang lalu, kita tersua dengan kemungkinan-kemungkinan dan harapan yang baru. Dalam dunia dalam masa lima puluh tahun yang lalu atau lebih, kita diperlihatkan dengan tiga contoh sistem pemerintahan yan besar, iaitu (a) sistem kapitalis liberal, (b) sistem sosialis komunis, dan (c) sistem teokrasi agama. Untuk masa lima puluh tahun yang lalu, pada dasarnya, kita mengamalkan sistem kapitalis liberal. Bagi kita, sistem ini sudah gagal. Sistem kedua dan ketiga juga sudah terbukti gagal di tempat-tempat lain. Pada saat ini, kita ada satu peluang keemasan dan bersejarah untuk meneroka satu jalan baru bagi kita. Kita mesti mencari “Jalan Yang Lurus”, bebas dari penyelewengan-penyelewangan yang disebut dalam ayat suci dalam surah Al-Fatehah (1: 6-7).

Saya akan menggarsikan beberapa ciri penting dalam sistem baru yang harus kita teroka bagi bangsa kita.

Pertama, ketaatan kita yang asas ialah kepada bangsa dan nusa di atas dasar kebaikan, bukan kepada parti atau suku-kaum. Agama hak masing-masing dan bebas.

Kedua, bangsa Malaysia satu, bukan dua atau tiga. Pada dasarnya, pemerintahan di pusat dan di negeri-negeri harus bekerjasama untuk memajukan Malaysia. Sistem “Kerajaan-Pembangkang” sebenarnya kita tiru dari Barat, dan tidak selaras dengan tradisi dan agama kita.

Ketiga, pemerintah, di Pusat atau Negeri, sama ada dari parti apa pun, mesti memerintah dengan adil

Keempat, pemimpin-pemimpin kita mesti dipilih dari mereka yang layak dari segi kebolehan dan moral.

Kelima, kita mesti menggunakan kaedah perundingan dalam pemerintahan, dalam parti dan dalam masyarakat untuk menyelesaikan semua masalah kita. Cara diktator autokratik dilarang.

Keenam, Bangsa Malaysia sebahagian dari Dunia Antarabangsa. Di satu pihak, kita harus mempertahankan kedaulatan bangsa dan negara kita dari pencerobohan bangsa-bangsa lain, dan, di pihak lain, kita harus bekerjasama dengan semua bangsa untuk kebaikan dunia.

Melihat kepada perkembangan-perkembangan yang berlaku dalam masa tidak sampai dua minggu ini, kita berasa optimis bahawa negara kita akan selamat, aman dan terus maju. Kerjasama antara parti-parti Barisan Alternatif dan sikap mereka yang kostruktif terhadap pemerintahan Pusat, yang dipegang oleh B.N., menggalakkan. Kita harap semua pihak akan memegang teguh kepada politik berprinsip dan membuang politik oporcunis yang lama, yang telah mendatang bencana kepada mereka yang telah mengamalkannya. Kita harap B.A. akan mengotai janji-janji mereka. Kita harap B.N., khasnya UMNO, akan membuat perubahan-perubahan yang akan membolehkan mereka mendapatkan semula sokongan rakyat dan memainkan peranan mereka yang positif dalam perkembangan negara kita seterusnya. Seperti yang diajar dalam Quran, hendaklah kita berlumba-lumba untuk membuat kebaikan.

Kassim Ahmad seorang penulis bebas Malaysia. Beliau boleh dihubungi di kassim1234@gmail.comThis e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it Lama web beliau www.kassimahmad.blogspot.com

What next after this 'Asian implo-volution'?


What next after this 'Asian implo-volution'?

Posted by Raja Petra
Thursday, 20 March 2008,MT

Can Abdullah Ahmad Badawi be free to allow the younger ones to run the nation, after the humiliating defeat? Can our Malaysian universities be free to do whatever they like to students, especially to intimidate those who wish to be set their minds free?

Dr. Azly Rahman
http://azlyrahman-illuminations.blogspot.com/

(Early notes for a speech at an upcoming Malaysian forum at Harvard University, Massachusetts, USA, March 2008.)

Man is born free, but everywhere he is in chains
(- Jean Jacques Rousseau)

Man has no nature, what he has is history (- Ortega y Gassett)

When I was invited to this gathering of young thinkers, movers and shakers, and public intellectuals, I was writing about hope. The Malaysian Revolution of 2008 was about hope materializing. It was about 'freedom' fought and won.

How Malaysian do we want to become? How free do we want to be? How much can we in turn be imprisoned by the newfound freedom?

These, I believe are strange philosophical questions that is peculiar-sounding at a time when the machinery of the previous regime is being de-constructed and dismantled piece by piece after being captured in a revolution that is aided by the force of cybernetic technology.

For those who believe in divine intervention, the revolution or the "Asian implo-volution" (a combination of "implosion" and "evolution") as I would coin, the event was god's will carried out by the general will of the people.

The enabling technology of this "Asian implo-volution" is the will of the Internet – of technological determinism.

Are we at a second phase of Merdeka/Independence? Who were we fighting against? If 50 years ago, it was against the British imperialists, who are the neo-colonialists amongst us now? If in the 1950s, we had a multicultural struggle in the form of the "hartal", are we seeing a similar version of it now in the form of rallies such as of the Hindraf and Bersih?

Again, what is freedom and independence? How has it changed? Where does freedom lie? How do we feel and taste freedom? What are the manifestation so of the structure of freedom? What do we wish to be free from? Free of? Freed by?

These are the questions all of us must answer as a country of various nations evolving? Can one be free to shout "Fire... Fire...Fire" in a full packed theatre? Can one be free to pull his or her keris/dagger/Samurai sword out and shout "Tak Umno hilang di dunia? and not annoy the nation?

Can Abdullah Ahmad Badawi be free to allow the younger ones to run the nation, after the humiliating defeat? Can our Malaysian universities be free to do whatever they like to students, especially to intimidate those who wish to be set their minds free?

I have some thoughts on what freedom as it relates to what independence might be; thoughts that must be translated into practice.

Ten steps towards freedom

Independence and freedom are not a slogans but an existential state of mind and a condition of 'lived democracy', one in which citizens are aware of how oppressive systems are cultivated. We cannot be independent until we arrive at these historical junctures, and until we do the following:

1. Free the human mind from all forms of dogmas, superstitions, mental chains, hegemonic formations, and transitional levels of totalitarianism. Our educational system at all levels must strengthen the scientific and philosophical foundation of its curriculum and practices to effect changes in the higher-order thinking skills of the next generation. We should not tolerate any forms of bigotry, racial chauvinism, and retarded form of democracy in our educational system.

2. Understand the relationship between the 'self and the system of social relations of production' and how the self becomes alienated and reduced to labour and appendages and cogs in the wheels of industrial system of production, a system that hides under the name of the corporatist nation and any other term that masks the real exploitation of the human self.

3. Make ourselves aware that our social systems, through the rapid development of technology and its synthesis with local and international predatory culture, have helped create classes of human beings that transform their bodies into different classes of labour (manual, secretarial, managerial, military, intellectual, and capital-owning) that is now shaping the nature of class antagonism locally and globally.

4. Understand how our political, economic, cultural institutions have evolved and are created out of the vestiges of newer forms of colonialism, institutions that are built upon the ideology of race-based interpretations of human and material development that benefit the few who own the means of cultural, material, and intellectual production.

5. Understand how ideologies that oppress humanity works, how prevailing political, economic, cultural ideologies help craft false consciousness and create psychological barriers to the creation of a society that puts the principles of social contract into practice.

6. Be aware of how our physical landscape creates spaces of power and knowledge and alienates us and how huge structural transformations such as the Multimedia Super Corridor or those emerging corridors that create a new form of technological city-scape (technopoles) that benefits local and international real estate profiteers more that they provide more humane living spaces for the poor and the marginalised in an increasingly cybernated society.

7. Be fully aware of the relationship between science, culture, and society and how these interplay with contemporary global challenges and how we clearly or blindly adopt these rapid changes and transform them into our newer shibboleths of developmentalism – one such policy being the National BioTechnology Program.

8. Put a halt to the systematic stupefication of academicians and students in our public universities by first incorporating Academic Freedom Clauses in their mission statements and next enculturalising intellectualism in these learning environments. The public universities must be restructured based on a new paradigm of leadership. Leaders that enable the ability of our students and faculty to think must be removed and replaced with those that pay allegiance to truth. "Veritas!" or "Truth!" as Harvard University slogan decries.

9. Design an economic system founded upon socialistic principles that meet the needs of the many and curb our enthusiasm to consume conspicuously and consequently create a society divided by classes and a postmodern caste system. Rethink the progressive dimension of nationalization instead of pursuing the excesses of privatization. What good would Malaysia do if its leaders are siphoning the nation's wealth by the tens of billions, stashing them in places such as Switzerland and the Cayman Island?

10. Restructure the entire education system that would not only create some variant of a classless society but also one that would evolve into a reflective one instead of being rushed to death along the path of Wall Street by those who owns the means of production.

First things first

Of course the first thing to do is to bring this "Asian implo-volution" to a conclusion and honor the people's hope to bring the power abusers of the old regime to justice.

This is a daunting first step in the process of acquiring power, maintaining it, and next consolidating it. But power here means the power to transform the lives of others for the better.

We must educate Malaysians on the nature of "inter-locking directorates" or the link between business and politics that helped brought the end to the old regime.

Soon, this must become a lesson learned.

In the meantime, I am keen in exploring the possibilities of the social philosopher Rousseau's ideas of 'social contract' and crafting a new definition of Malaysian multi-culturalism.

We wanted a revolution, we got an "implo-volution". What then must we do?