Monday, March 10, 2008

S’gor Sultan delays PKR’s C-Ministership

S’gor Sultan delays PKR’s C-Ministership

khalid.jpg

It’s hard to make out what this is about? Perhaps the Sultan wants to ensure that DAP and PAS has agreed to Tan Sri Khalid being the new Selangor chief minister. In any case, he wants to meet DAP and PAS first before giving his consent to PKR.

I don’t know if this is usual or if he had ever delayed such a thing before. Anyway, lets keep our minds open and see how the event unfolds.

SHAH ALAM, March 10 (Bernama) — The formation of the new state government and the appointment of Menteri Besar will only be decided after the Sultan of Selangor Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah meets the DAP and Pas representatives tomorrow.The Sultan’s private secretary Datuk Mohamad Bunir Bani said Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) secretary-general Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim had an audience with the Sultan today to covey the general election results and the formation of the new state government.

“However the Sultan has asked to meet the representatives of the other parties before making any decision,” he told reporters here.

Mohamad Bunir said the ceremony to appoint the new Menteri Besar would be fixed soon upon receiving the Sultan’s consent.

Meanwhile Abdul Khalid, who was granted an audience with the Sultan at Bukit Kayangan Palace, said the Sultan would meet Pas and DAP representatives tomorrow afternoon.

“The Sultan feels that it is necessary to look at the combination of (leaders from ) PKR, Pas and DAP… whether they are suitable,” he said.

Abdul Khalid also said he would submit the list of executive councillors to the Sultan in the days following tomorrow’s meeting.

“The Sultan wanted to make sure that the people of Selangor will get suitable people to lead the state,” he added.

Meanwhile Abdul Khalid denied claims that there were attempts to destroy documents at the State Secretary office.

“We should not always assume that people are up to sinister things,” he said.

The opposition pac, which won 36 out of 56 state seats in the general election on Saturday, had announced that Abdul Khalid would be the new Selangor Menteri Besar.

This entry was posted on March 10, 2008 at 11:57 pm and is filed und

An opportunity to treasure for the opposition

An opportunity to treasure for the opposition
Kim Quek | Mar 11, 08 12:35pm
The 2008 general election has heralded the arrival of a new era.

The spectacular election results demonstrated in no uncertain terms that the racial bondage that has imprisoned this country for 50 years has finally begun to disintegrate under the combined onslaught of PKR, DAP and PAS.

Not only the target of breaking Barisan Nasional’s long standing two-thirds parliamentary majority was achieved, but more importantly, the opposition has unexpectedly captured the heartland states of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah, in addition to retaining Kelantan in a landslide.

These achievements would not have been possible, if not for the new ground boldly broken into by the electorates themselves – hordes of Chinese and Indians who never supported PAS before had rushed to vote for the latter, while Malays in unprecedented numbers had voted for DAP.

And needless to say, all the three major races have supported PKR enthusiastically.

It is this willingness to break the racial and religious taboos (which have been instilled into the people by BN) that has opened up a new vista of great opportunity for the nation, made possible through the electorate’s newfound wisdom of choosing a government not based on race or religion but on merits.

Henceforth, political parties must fight their battles with sound policies and ideals and records that are most attuned to the welfare of the masses, not by appealing to the primordial instincts of race and religion; as the electorate are clearly discarding the latter for the former.

This will surely result in vast improvement in governance through better selected political leadership.

However, this rosy scenario may come to naught if the opposition parties fail to transcend their differences and work together effectively as a team to transform promises into realities.

Collective leadership

None of the opposition parties has a simple majority in any of the state assemblies of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah, so they have no choice but to form coalitions if they want to rule these states.

Since coalition is thrust upon them, they must form a political partnership, and this partnership should logically also extend to states where a partner may have only one seat, namely Penang (PAS: 1) and Kedah (DAP: 1).

The inclusion of PAS and DAP in Penang and Kedah respectively will ensure that policies made in these states will have taken cognizance of the interests and views of the constituents represented by these parties in these states.

Besides, these minor inclusions will help to foster solidarity among partners and minimize dissatisfaction of minority constituents in these states.

A major failure of the BN model of leadership was the over-concentration of power on the leader and the lack of mutual respect and genuine consultation among partners, as the former encourages corruption and abuse of power while the latter will doom the partnership to eventual disintegration through desertion by the victimized partners.

Hence, the opposition parties must genuinely practice collective leadership in the state governments, not only to avoid pitfalls of BN but to ensure long term flourish of the partnership.

All policies and major decisions must be the product of consultations, not whims of the autocrat.

With the understanding that the leader is but the executor of policies, which in turn are collectively decided, the choice of the leader (chief minister or menteri besar) should not be an oversensitive issue, as long as the decision is collectively made and the candidate is deemed suitable.

Top priority

The main scourge of this country is corruption, which is the root cause of high crime rate and inefficient government which in turn is a contributing cause to economic hardships manifested by stagnant economy and runaway inflation.

We have promised the electorate to wipe out this vice, so anti-corruption measures must be on the top of the opposition agenda. As a start, I propose these two immediate measures:

One, push for public declaration of assets of all elected representatives, with those in PKR, DAP and PAS taking the lead.

All opposition-controlled state governments should include in their official websites a section showing the assets of all assemblypersons.

Pass a resolution to call for these public declarations if BN assemblypersons are reluctant to do so. These asset details should be updated regularly.

Two, make it compulsory for all contracts under state government control to go through open and transparent tendering system: all tenders to be advertised and tender prices announced promptly (including posting in official website) upon closing of tenders. All tenders to be evaluated professionally with known criteria and awarded through the tender board.

Public support crucial

Now that the electorate has given the mandate to the opposition parties to govern these states, the people can help to make these new governments a success by giving them whole-hearted support and constructive criticisms where they are due.

We must not forget that Malaysia has been badly managed for a long time, and it is only through maximum co-operation from the public, that the arduous task of reforming an old and impaired system can be speedily accomplished.

As for the opposition parties, this is a once in a lifetime opportunity to demonstrate their competence to take over the helm of the entire country by doing a good job of running these states.

This, I am sure, can be achieved if the leadership of these three parties are willing to put the nation above personal or parochial party interests at all times. And let all adopt the motto: “The nation must always come first, no matter what happens”.

KIM QUEK, a retired accountant, is a political commentator, author and PKR member.

Making sense of the political tsunami

Making sense of the political tsunami
Ong Kian Ming | Mar 11, 08 12:24pm

analysis As Malaysians go back to work yesterday, the historic results of the 12th general election are beginning to sink in slowly.

Before the results were announced on Saturday, many people were discussing the possibility of this election being similar to the 1986 general elections where the non-Malay vote swung against Barisan Nasional and the DAP had its best performance where it won 24 out of a possible 172 parliamentary seats.

But it is more apt to compare this election to the last time the BN lost the popular vote in Peninsular Malaysia and failed to capture a two-thirds majority in parliament for what was the first and only time in Malaysia’s electoral history, up until now. That was in 1969.

While the Alliance failed to obtain a majority of the popular vote, it still managed to win 67 out of 104 parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia (64.4%), partly aided by the fact that nine parliamentary seats were not contested.

In this election, the BN managed only to win 85 out of 165 parliamentary seats, slightly more than half the parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia (51.5%).

The BN also won a smaller percentage of state seats in Peninsular Malaysia in 2008 compared to 1969. In 1969, the Alliance won 60% of the state seats - 167 out of a possible 279 seats - while in 2008, the BN won only 55% - 247 out of a possible 445 state seats in Peninsular Malaysia.

In 1969, the Alliance failed to win state government in only three states – Kelantan, Penang and Perak while in 2008, the BN failed to form the state government in five states – Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor.

In terms of the overall vote, the BN won 49.8% of the valid vote (without spoilt votes) and 48.7% (including spoilt votes) in 2008, less than half of the total vote. In 1969, the BN won 46.2% of the popular vote (including spoilt votes) and would have won a larger share of the popular vote had there been fewer uncontested seats (since these seats where in BN strongholds)

To put this result in starker terms, the MCA won 13 parliamentary seats in 1969 compared to 13 for the DAP and eight for Gerakan, which was then in opposition. After Gerakan joined the BN, the number of parliamentary seats held by the two Chinese-based parties in the BN was 21 compared to 13 for the Chinese-based opposition.

In 2008, Gerakan and MCA won a combined total of 17 parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia, a significant number of which were not Chinese-majority seats while the DAP won 26 parliamentary seats giving them a larger representation in parliament than both MCA and Gerakan combined.

But the largest surprise of 2008 came in the form of PKR, which won 31 parliamentary seats, making it the largest opposition party. For the first time in Malaysia’s electoral history, the leader of the opposition would be a truly multi-ethnic party that have Malay, Chinese and Indian MPs (20 Malay, seven Chinese and four Indian).

This is all the more shocking given that PKR contests mostly in ethnically ‘mixed seats’ which are traditionally stronghold areas for the BN. Many of these mixed seats which were considered ‘unwinnable’ seats for the opposition fell like bowling pins including Balik Pulau in Penang, Kelana Jaya in Selangor and Wangsa Maju in Kuala Lumpur.

How did this happen? Why did no one, including myself, see this happening? How can we account for this massive swing towards the opposition?

Why the massive swing?

There are three ways in which I will try to account for this massive swing towards the opposition.

  • The first deals with the hard numbers – on how each ethnic group swung its support towards the opposition in Peninsular Malaysia, and where.

  • The second deals with the psychological underpinnings of this swing – many of the voters themselves probably didn’t anticipate such a swing which helps explain why they voted the way they did.

  • The third deals with the issues surrounding the swing and much of the blame has to fall on Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s inability to deliver on his election promises made four years ago in 2004.


Firstly, who swung their votes towards the opposition and by how much.

It was widely anticipated that there would be a swing in the non-Malay votes against the BN but what was not anticipated was the extent of that swing. At the same time, there was no indication that there would be any shift in the Malay support for the BN. Indeed, there were some who speculated that Abdullah had consolidated his hold over the Malay vote and had a chance of winning back Kelantan.

Using a statistical method called ecological inference, theorised by Gary King, who is a professor of government and statistics at Harvard University, I estimated the percentage of BN support by the three main ethnic groups in Peninsular Malaysia – the Malays, the Chinese and the Indians. I found that the Indian vote swing against the BN in Peninsular Malaysia was approximately 35%, the Chinese vote swing was approximately 30% and the Malay vote swing was approximately 5%.

I also estimated the percentage of the popular vote won by the BN among the various ethnic groups in Peninsular Malaysia - Malays (58%), Chinese (35%) and Indians (48%).

It is important to highlight that these vote swings are not uniformly distributed. For example, the Malay vote swing in the West Coast states, especially in Penang, Selangor and Kuala Lumpur was higher than the estimated 5% and was closer to 10% or even higher in certain constituencies like Balik Pulau, Gombak and Lembah Pantai. It would not have been possible for the opposition, PKR in these cases, to win without a sizeable swing in the Malay vote.

The largest swings against the BN came in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, at approximately 21% and 20% respectively, followed by Penang at 17.5%. These swings were across the board swings among Malay, Chinese and Indian voters though the swing among the non-Malays were probably greater than among the Malays. While the Malay vote did not swing much in Terengganu (a small swing of 1.2%), the swing was certainly felt in Kedah (12.7%), a state which is 75% Malay.

The fascinating observation in regards to the Chinese and Indian swing was that it occurred almost regardless of the opposition party in question or the race of that candidate.

Chinese and Indians were happily voting for Malay PKR candidates as well as Malay PAS candidates in addition to Chinese and Indian PKR candidates. This would not have been something that many would have predicted.

Who would have thought that Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad would win in Hulu Langat (Selangor), a seat that is only 60% Malay or that PAS would eke out victories in Kota Raja (Selangor) and Titiwangsa (Kuala Lumpur), seats which are barely over 50% Malay? Certainly not me.

At the same time, DAP also won many seats partly because of a greater willingness among Malay voters to vote for the DAP. The DAP probably would not have won in Taiping, Beruas and Teluk Intan (Perak), Seremban (Negri Sembilan) and Segambut (Kuala Lumpur) and Bakri (Johor) if not for the presence of some Malay swing against the BN in these seats.

As such, many opposition wins can be explained by the fact that many voters were willing to vote for the opposition by crossing ethnic boundaries that were previously not possible or seen in very few numbers such as Chinese voting for PAS candidates and Malays voting for DAP candidates.

The tipping point

A second explanation for the extent of the swing is that many voters themselves probably didn’t vote thinking that the opposition would do as well as it did. They wanted to cast a protest vote but because of the fear of voicing their opinions and the strict controls on the mainstream media, there was little indication among the elite as well as among the voters that the swing would be as big as it was.

I had been discussing Malcolm Gladwell’s book called the ‘Tipping Point’ with a friend and heard many opposition leaders claiming that such a tipping point was possible in these elections but my conservative instincts stopped me from believing that this was possible. I was wrong. The voters voted and the tipping point was reached and breached, at least in the state of Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor.

It is unlikely that so many voters would have voted for the opposition had they known in advance that the swing was going to be this big and that the state governments in Penang, Kedah, Perak and Selangor would fall. Many of them, especially the non-Malays would have been too fearful of the potential backlash from this happening.

Ironically, the mainstream media’s reporting of the BN’s confidence in easily securing a two-thirds majority actually helped the opposition because more voters felt more secure that their protest vote was just that – a protest vote with little significance, at least in terms of causing state governments to fall or previously safe seats to tumble.

The third explanation for this swing has to do with the issues surrounding the 2008 general elections. While many may point to the concerns in regards to the economy, price inflation in urban areas and crime, as main reasons why the voters voted against the BN, one needs to remember that the economy was in much worse shape in 1999, that price inflation has been going on in urban areas for the past 10 years and that crime and safety issues ranked as high concerns in 2004 as well as in 2008.

The major issue, I argue, is that voters voted against the BN as a sign of protest against Abdullah. Abdullah took much of the credit for the historic BN ‘sweep’ in 2004 and he deserves much of the blame in the historic ‘losses’ suffered by the BN in 2008. Voters voted against Abdullah because of his inability to deliver on the promises he made in 2004 including the promise to fight corruption, the promise to reform the police force, the promise to be a prime minister for all ethnic groups, and the promise to improve the civil service.

Most voters could not name a significant aspect of the Abdullah administrative post-2004 which effectively ‘fought’ corruption. MPs who asked custom agents to conveniently overlook excise taxes for imported cars and state assemblymen who built giant mansions for themselves and their families were left unpunished.

The recommendations of the royal commission to improve the police force were left largely ignored. The promise to be a PM to all ethnic groups fell flat in the inability of Abdullah to curb ethnic extremism within his own party, Umno, and to manage the problems concerning conversions out of Islam among non-Malays.

It is extremely difficult for me to think of reasons why Abdullah should not immediately resign as the president of Umno and prime minister of Malaysia given this historic ‘defeat’ at the polls by the BN and how this would be linked to his failure to deliver on his 2004 messages.

The Malaysian voters should be congratulated on two counts. The first is that they showed tremendous courage in going out to vote for opposition parties and candidates in the face of many ‘threats’ arising from the BN, including the threat of no representation in the cabinet and the threat of economic instability.

The second is that the voters were measured in their post-election response. They did not take to the streets to celebrate which would have raised the specter of another ‘May 13’ but instead stayed at home at the prompting of many of the opposition leaders.
The BN too, should be congratulated for accepting the results of the general election and not resorting to underhanded tactics (as of now) to try to win back control of certain states or seats. The quick concession by Dr Koh Tsu Koon in Penang is particularly recommendable.

This is a clear sign that our electorate and our leaders are becoming more political mature marking Malaysia’s gradual move towards a more mature and open democracy.

What next for the opposition?

Even as we discuss why the results were the way they were, it is as if not more important to discuss the implications and questions for the opposition, of which there are many.

How will the DAP govern Penang given that it is the first time that it is holding power at any level of governance? How will it try to resolve the federal-state relationship that PAS has been managing in Kelantan for the past 18 years? Will it be able to attract FDI (foreign direct investments) and federal dollars as an opposition party governing Penang?

How will the opposition in the states other than Kelantan nominate members to the executive council? More importantly, what sort of checks and balances will they have to ensure that their own leaders do not fall victim to the same corrupt practices that are and were practiced by some of the BN MPs and state assemblymen?

How will the opposition leverage its position in the parliament to push through real change in key areas? Will it be able to find agreement between themselves and work with the BN, which still has a majority of parliament seats, to push through comprehensive electoral reform, for example?

Can the opposition deliver its promise to decrease or stop fuel prices from increasing, especially given that huge cost of the oil subsidies which will continue to increase as oil prices increase? Will the opposition pressure the BN to conduct local elections and give up its power to appoint municipal and local authority councillors in the states which it controls?

In addition, can the leaders of the opposition parties work show that they can work together as a viable ‘coalition’ of sorts and find common ground on national policy? This is important if they are to show that they can not only deny the BN a two-thirds majority but also win enough seats to form a government on their own.

Will PAS strive to implement ‘hudud’ in Kedah as it tried to do in Terengganu after 1999 or will it adopt a more pragmatic approach and focus on its pre-election promises of providing a free education for all and alleviating poverty? Can the DAP reign in some of their more ‘extreme’ demands and co-exist with PKR and PAS? Can PKR effectively bridge some of the gaps between DAP and PAS now that it is the largest party in the opposition?

What role will Anwar Ibrahim play in the opposition? Will he stand in a by-election in Permatang Pauh once he is eligible to run again? How hard will he push in certain ‘sensitive’ areas such as his promise to abolish the New Economic Policy and replace it with a more equitable system of wealth redistribution or helping the poor?

These are but a few of the hundreds of questions and challenges that the opposition will face in the coming weeks and months.

One thing is for certain, if the opposition doesn’t get its act together, look for the same voters who voted against the BN to turn their backs on the opposition in the next election.


ONG KIAN MING is a PhD candidate in political science at Duke University. His areas of interests are in ethnic and electoral politics.

The Chief Minister/ Menteris Besar

The Chief Minister/ Menteris Besar PDF Print E-mail
Posted by Raja Petra
Tuesday, 11 March 2008

Here is a brief look at the new state chiefs in the four newly minted opposition-ruled states. All the nominees have been confirmed, except for Perak.

PENANG: LIM GUAN ENG (DAP)

PENANG'S incoming chief minister, Mr Lim Guan Eng, 47, has achieved what his father could not for more than 40 years as an opposition politician.

The son of Democratic Action Party (DAP) chief Lim Kit Siang, he entered Parliament in 1986 after winning the Kota Melaka parliamentary seat with a 17,606-vote majority.

As an MP, the younger Lim was a lighting rod for attention. He was arrested in 1994 over his criticism of government handling of allegations of statutory rape of one of his constituents.

He was charged under the Sedition Act for causing 'disaffection with the administration of justice in Malaysia', and the Printing Presses and Publications Act for 'maliciously printing' a pamphlet that allegedly contained false information.

He was sentenced to 18 months in prison, but was released after 12 months. He could not subsequently qualify for the 2004 election.

This year, Mr Lim completed his a political comeback by winning both the Bagan parliamentary seat by 22,070 votes, and the Air Putih state seat in Penang by 4,061 votes.

SELANGOR: ABDUL KHALID IBRAHIM (PKR)


A FORMER corporate honcho, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, 61, was chief executive officer of plantations company Guthrie from 1995 to 2003.

He quit corporate life to enter politics, joining Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), where he is currently its treasurer-general.

On Dec 11 last year, he was among 29 opposition leaders and activists who were detained by police as they tried to march to Parliament House ahead of a vote on extending the tenure of the current Election Commission chairman.

Tan Sri Khalid contested the Ijok by-election last year but lost to a BN candidate by 1,850 votes. The seat had fallen vacant after the death of the incumbent from a heart attack.

This year, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid contested and won not only the Ijok state seat, but also the Bandar Tun Razak parliamentary seat by 1,920 and 2,515 votes respectively.

PERAK: MOHAMMAD NIZAR JAMALUDDIN (PAS)

MR MOHAMMAD Nizar Jamaluddin, an engineer by training, is also Perak's Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) liaison secretary. Little else is known publicly about him.

In the 2004 election, he stood and lost in Kuala Kangsar. This year, he won the Pasir Panjang state seat in Perak by 4,474 votes.

Mr Mohammad Nizar's elevation to the state's top post seemed assured until PKR put forward another name for menteri besar. The three main opposition parties - the Democratic Action Party (DAP), PAS and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) - will rule the state in a coalition. The DAP has already said it would forgo the right to name a menteri besar, even though it won the most seats of any single party in Saturday's state polls. Negotiations are continuing between PAS and PKR on a candidate to head the state government, although it is widely expected that Mr Mohammad Nizar will get the job.

Perak's Sultan Azlan Shah will swear in a new menteri besar today.

KEDAH: AZIZAN ABDUL RAZAK (PAS)

MR AZIZAN Abdul Razak, 64, a graduate of the renowned Al-Azhar university in Egypt, stands among the Old Guard ulama (religious leader) of Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS).

The Kedah PAS commissioner, who also holds a law degree from the University of Kent, was a former head of the syariah department of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

He first contested and won the Sala state seat in the 1999 general election, and retained it in 2004 when it was changed to Sungai Limau.

This year, he retained the Sungai Limau state seat with an enhanced majority of 3,212 votes. In 2004, Mr Azizan won the seat with a mere 1,080-vote majority.

MCA drowns in ocean of disgust

MCA drowns in ocean of disgust
Stanley Koh | Mar 11, 08 11:54am
analysis Politics is indeed a brutal business and especially when a political party reaps disastrous results in a general election.

Unsurprisingly, cracks have already appeared in the MCA top rung and voices in the party ranks have become louder, calling for a revamping of the entire leadership echelon through an early party election.

Several MCA sources speculated that the president Ong Ka Ting, should he delay party elections, would raise more suspicions that he intends to serve a personal agenda.

It would also strengthen widening allegations that such manipulation would be secure the position of elder brother Ka Chuan in order to succeed him before his term expires in 2012.
In addition, there is a growing collective sentiment that Ka Ting should step down to walk his own talk on the importance of a healthy political culture.

He stands accused of lack of wisdom, poor leadership strategies and turning a blind eye to the ‘real’ election issues in the Chinese community. Instead, he indulged in ‘spinning’ out election propaganda during the 13-day campaign.

The party contested 40 parliamentary seats and lost 25; and won only 31 of the 90 state seats where it fielded candidates. (See chart)

A grassroots leader in Kuala Lumpur attributed the huge losses to the dropping of capable, experienced and diligent leaders such as Tan Yee Kew, Yap Pian Hon, Tang See Hang and many others, and introduction of 55 percent ‘new faces’ which was “a fatal strategy”.

“The president parachuted inexperienced candidates and (reneged on the) moral obligation to allow long-serving leaders to contest. This caused much unhappiness and antagonised local leaders,” he said, declining to be named.

Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamed’s call for Ka Ting to step down has also resonated with many, especially with Gerakan acting head Dr Koh Tsu Koon immediately offering to resign over the party’s loss of Penang to the opposition. (The offer has been rejected.)

“This is the type of healthy political culture that Malaysian politicians should emulate,” a MCA life-member told Malaysiakini.

A veteran who had held an important party post in the 1980s echoed the view.

“The party president must take full responsibility for the electoral defeat, resulting in the party only retaining 37.5 percent of parliamentary and 34.4 percent of state seats,” he said.

“The impact will result in fewer posts in the cabinet and government. There are just not enough leaders to fill the current posts, particularly for nine deputy ministers, even if these numbers are maintained in the new cabinet line-up.”

An urban voter, TM Lee, 28, remarked: “Ong’s claim, that the party under his leadership has legitimacy and relevance to the Chinese community, is no longer true. It is clear that DAP and PKR candidates who hold more seats in Parliament and the state assemblies are our legitimate representatives.”

"Ong has accused DAP’s Lim Kit Siang of being power crazy. But by holding on to MCA presidency now, he is viewed as lacking integrity and credibility himself."

Catastrophe for MCA

MCA suffered its heaviest losses since 1969, failing to defend its parliamentary seats in Penang, Kuala Lumpur and Negri Sembilan. In Selangor, Ong Tee Keat (Pandan parliamentary seat) was the lone survivor.

Ka Ting’s majority vote in Kulai (Johor) was drastically reduced against the outcome in 2004 at Tanjong Piai (against DAP’s Tan Ah Meng), from 23,615 then to 11,744 now.

MCA vice-president Fong Chan Onn (photo) won with a majority of 12,884 against DAP candidate Tan Lay Siang in the Alor Gajah parliamentary seat.

Deputy ministers Tan Chai Ho (home ministry), Donald Lim Siang Chai (tourism) and Fu Ah Kiow (internal security) and parliamentary secretaries Chew Mei Fun (women, family and community development) and Yew Teong Look (federal territories ministry), all lost.

A MCA Penang insider did not mince his words, blaming Ka Ting for the electoral defeat because of ‘pork barrel’ politics.

“When he promised the party a new era in 2003 following his first 100 days as president, we did not know it would be the start of the Ong dynasty," he said.

"He only won because he deliberately chose a safe seat and pumped in ministerial allocations (of millions of ringgit) into new villages. Still he could not protect the state seat under his parliamentary seat - in Senai (MCA candidate Chun Yoon Fook lost to DAP’s Ong Kow Meng). This makes two consecutive losses since 2004.”

A party leader further pointed out that the party’s central committee had given Ka Ting a full mandate in selecting and placement of candidates.

“As such, he should be held solely accountable and responsible for the disastrous electoral losses. Ka Ting should either step down or direct the party headquarters to conduct party elections in April or May,” he said.

(In January, MCA decided to postpone its elections to after the general election, without setting a timeframe.)

A Johor leader noted that some 40 percent of the parliamentary seats in MCA hands have come from this state.

“The president is not entitled to claim credit for this because thousands of party workers were involved in very hard work during campaigning.”

Planning behind assault

Ominous signs had appeared even before the elections.

Transport Minister-cum-deputy president Chan Kong Choy (left) declined nomination for a parliamentary seat, while Health Minister Chua Soi Lek (right) resigned abruptly due to a sex scandal.

Unexpectedly, deputy minister Hon Choon Kim from Negri Sembilan also announced his early retirement.

Derek da Cunha in his book, ‘The Price of Victory - The 1997 Singapore General Election and Beyond’, had said that interpreting the general elections is trying to read tea leaves. He said that those with a direct interest in the results, like politicians, will interpret these in ways to suit their own outlook or agenda.

The party’s think-tank, Insap, will obviously come up with an analysis, and some of the factors behind the abysmal performance may never be made public.

But it is reliably learnt that Soh Chee Wen (photo), former MCA presidential council and central committee member during Dr Ling Liong Sik’s tenure, had planned this electoral assault against MCA as far back as four years ago.

Soh is also a close ally and strategist of PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim.

A PKR source confided: "While MCA talked about the Blue Ocean strategy only sometime last year, Soh had already planned the ‘long march’ (Mao Tse Tung's tactical art-of-war in the 1930s) five years ago.

“Now you understand why the MCA has drowned in its own ocean.”

Managing the burden of victory

Managing the burden of victory
Yeo Yang Poh | Mar 10, 08 12:27pm
The 8th day of March 2008 was a milestone in Malaysian history, and the 9th witnessed a new dawn.

For half a century, Malaysians - for reasons both real and imagined - have got accustomed to living under a political monopoly, believing and fearing that any substantial change would be detrimental to their own interest. It was, in part, an indoctrinated fear.

That psychological shackle of fear has now been broken.

The Barisan Nasional (BN and predecessor Alliance), having ruled since Independence, is naturally wondering why its iron-fisted monopoly has been so suddenly and unexpectedly breached. For the sake of moving the nation forward, this inquiry, if it can be carried out with brutal and painful frankness, will be a meaningful one.

The reasons for this moment of truth are multiple and complex, almost too numerous to list. But I suggest that they include the following factors.

(a) There is no denying that the coalition formula was necessary for the attainment of independence. The spirit of working together, as equal partners, was both admirable and essential. Equal, that is, though not in terms of numbers, but in terms of rights and responsibilities. However, over the years, the gradual erosion of this spirit, brought about by the greed for power and wealth, has betrayed the essence of the coalition formula, and turned it from a winning formula into an oppressive one.

(b) To maintain power and control, it became expedient to arrange politics according to race, in order to divide and rule, first along racial lines, and then along religious ones. The coalition became equal only in the payment of lip service. It was increasingly difficult to convince the affected persons that this was a partnership of equals, while their representatives were compelled to continue insisting that it was one.

(c) The preoccupation of the ruling elite in pursuing personal power and wealth, fuelled by an unbroken string of successes no matter how audacious their conduct, had entrenched a culture of ignoring the genuine needs and wishes of the people. The citizens’ voices of appeal grew louder and louder, but were met with either with a deaf ear or insincere promises that were repeatedly broken. Those who dared to turn up the volume of their complaints were harshly dealt with. But the people could not be fooled forever. Carrots delivered just before each election might have worked for a while, but could not work indefinitely. And the people could not be cowed forever.

(d) For decades Malaysians with genuine grouses or who wished to offer solutions for societal problems were paternally told: ‘If you want something (that ought to be yours in the first place), come and work within the system’. That might have been acceptable if the system in fact works. For most, the experience of working within the system soon became one of ‘begging the system’, with small successes and huge frustrations. Is it surprising, then, that a time came when the people said that enough is enough?

(e) A system of this nature allows sycophants and leaders with personal agenda to thrive, while those who wish to reveal the truth and improve the lot of the people are at best ignored and at worst persecuted. Such is the perfect recipe for an eventual downfall.

(f) This phenomena, and many others, manufactured a host of fatal problems such as endemic corruption, depletion of national resources, inequity in the distribution of resources, abuse of power, and the like; in short, it spawned an unfair society. It was only a matter of time before simmering discontent acquired an erupting force.

(g) Arrogance on the part of the ruling elite (again because of their unbroken record of successes and the fear tactics that they had no reservations about using) made them blind to the repeated warnings that things were about to boil over. The use of threats, splashed on the front pages of newspapers in the days leading to the election, sickened many, and probably backfired. Some of those threats had clear racial undertones. Malaysians surprised the BN by rising above the racial divide (such as in Penang and Klang). The BN had underestimated the growing maturity of the electorate.

There are of course many more reasons and causes than these. If the BN wants to regain lost ground, it has to pay sincere heed to frank advice, and remedy its serious shortcomings.

Victory of the people

Now that the political monopoly has been broken in a number of states, and the future prospect of breaking the same at the federal level has become an attainable goal rather than a dream, the opposition (now the ruling party in five states) has a mountain of work ahead. So much hope is pinned on their shoulders.

Among the most important things that its leaders must do are:

(i) Never to forget, not even in their sleep, that their much-improved victory is not their victory, but the victory of the people; thus they must serve the people with humility and dedication; they should be proud, not of their success, but of the people who have enabled them to succeed;

(ii) To quickly learn the ropes of governing, although teething problems are inevitable; be transparent and frank with the people, and remedy any errors as soon as these are discovered - while the people expect perfect honesty, they will be forgiving about imperfections in the execution of tasks, when things are done transparently;

(iii) To identify and divide tasks into various categories: those that require urgent attention, short-term goals, long-term policies, and so on; set timelines for each task, though not cast in stone, and make every effort to keep to them; engage or employ the right people for the right jobs and outsource if need be;

(iv) Pay immediate attention to the most burning issues, such as the economy, poverty, equitable distribution of resources and opportunities, security, etc.

(v) Set up effective oversight mechanisms immediately, especially in relation to financial matters, the processing and granting of permits and contracts, and corruption in the public sector; this must include strict monitoring of the members of the Opposition themselves, to ensure that no corruption or cronyism is practised;

(vi) Set up an effective mechanism to receive and address complaints from the public; and

(vii) Ensure that there is no in-fighting among leaders, for this will quickly destroy the faith that Malaysians have placed in them by giving them this unprecedented opportunity.

The challenge for the opposition in the coming months and years is a huge one. There will be many more ways to fail in this challenge than to succeed.

The parties have to be always vigilant, honest and humble. Their members will not be exempt from frequent visits by the demons of human weaknesses.

But the same people who have put them there can as easily reverse the decision if they should betray the faith. Checks and balances are essential for any system of government.

Whatever their political persuasions may be, Malaysians will benefit from the change. Let us all get down to hard, honest work.


YEO YANG POH is a lawyer and former Bar Council president.

PKR-DAP-PAS must prioritise their fight

PKR-DAP-PAS must prioritise their fight
Jules Ong | Mar 10, 08 5:37pm
I am a happy and a proud Malaysian. In fact, I am deliriously gleeful! Why?

One: BN is eating humble pie. Now what happened to its keris-waving arrogance? And what a waste of front pages speculating on the next Gerakan chief minister of Penang.

Two: The electoral process is actually working. I was one of the many, many whose name has been moved to another constituency without my knowledge and couldn’t move it back.

Three (and this is the most important): The people have finally found their voice and their power!

The victory goes to my Indian brothers and sisters who are sick of being talked down to and treated like third-class citizens. Perhaps they didn’t know the power they had it in their hands - literally. And with every pangkah against the BN, they spoke their minds clearly and decisively. Hasta la vista Samy!

Also, credit to the young and first-time voters who made up the biggest bulk of opposition votes. We cannot discount their idealism because the country belongs to them now. It is their time and they will decide on what kind of government they want and who to entrusted it to.

There must be so many things to do, so many policies to reform and so many drains to unclog, while having to deal with the still majority BN (I'm talking about the opposition because I have no faith in any of the BN representatives. They are so used to preaching without listening, with a cowed media that mouths their every word.)

The opposition must prioritise their fight so that at the end of their five years, they have something strong and concrete to show - something that will last and ensure that the pillars of democracy - a free and vibrant media, a clean judiciary, and the rule of law - will be nurtured, developed and strengthened.

Even when they have long been voted out, they will be remembered for the brief time they served as our wakil rakyat - servants of the people. Forget about all the nitty-gritty and focus on the meat.

First, push for a right to information bill. This is the only way to weed out corruption. When the rakyat and journalists have the right to ask for information - to see the account books, to ask why it's not an open tender and to demand for it, why a certain project is being done and how it will impact them - only then can we ever hope to weed out corrupt practices.

Second, throw out the Printing Presses and Publications Act. Let the press do what they are supposed to do. Only a vibrant media can ensure that the people whom we elect to serve us actually serve us instead of enriching themselves or subverting the judiciary for their own ends.

Third, reform the NEP so that the poor of every ethnicity benefit and that the policy is not just race-based. This will spell the end of race-based politics and bring in a new era for Malaysia belonging to all Malaysians.

And please, I want a government that has ethics - put out a stronger voice for Burma's plight and the thousands of their refugees stuck on our soil without papers, without any right to work and without any form of protection. Protect foreign workers and disband the Rela thugs!

Opposition, your work is just beginning

Opposition, your work is just beginning
Ganesan Doraisami | Mar 10, 08 5:42pm
My heartfelt congratulations to the opposition for achieving what was considered inconceivable in Malaysian politics. You were able to achieve this through cooperation and understanding of the plural nature of Malaysian society.

You have won four important states and successfully retained one. But your mission is not over. In fact, it just started. In the next few days, do not squabble on who should be in power. The opposition should compromise and show strength against Barisan Nasional. Barisan Nasional is nothing but a party for the Malays. The Chinese and Indian were inconvenient partners for them.

With your victory, the people understand that Barisan Nasional is party for the benefit of the Malays only. Now the hope of the people is that you, the opposition, will be the party to benefit all, including less fortunate Malays. You have denied a strong majority to the cronies of Barisan Nasional. But more important is that you show leadership in parliament.

You, the opposition, are almost equal in strength now to the Barisan Nasional. The time has come to show what alternative goodness you have to offer the people who put their faith in you. You must prove to the people that you are worth their trust. You must work hard so that in the next election, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Razak are either lost or sitting on the opposition bench in parliament.

The task for opposition is enormous. If you want the Malays, Chinese, Indians and all other Malaysians to support you further, please work to accomplish the following:

  • Treat all Malaysians who are less fortunate with preferential treatment.

  • Free all ISA prisoners, not only the Hindraf 5

  • No more ISA as a fear mongering tool

  • Assign on merit those who are suitable for state and national-level positions.

  • Equal treatment and opportunity based on merit for all.

  • No more government wastage.

  • Your action and talk must equal that of the Barisan Nasional in Parliament.

  • Lift the Chinese and Indians from their second-class citizenship status.

It is your responsibility to build on this year’s success. It is your responsibility to make sure the wealthy do not rob poor the poor. Again congratulations but this is only the beginning. Treat every Malaysian as Malaysian and not as Malay, Indian and Chinese. Malaysia belongs to all.

You the opposition are trusted today to show that someday you can run all 13 states.

Oh, how sweet it is to be proven wrong!

Oh, how sweet it is to be proven wrong!
Abdullah Junid | Mar 10, 08 6:18pm
Syabas, Malaysia! I've never been prouder to call myself a Malaysian than I am today. This is a win for the people of Malaysia more than anything else.

Like so many others, my heart wished for this result, but my head said the deep-seated fears and mutual suspicions nurtured by the Barisan Nasional and its predecessor would once again create second thoughts among most voters on the journey between their homes and the polling booths.

Oh, how sweet it is to be proven wrong! How sweet to show the world that we as a people have a backbone and we have a real democracy.

This is also a win above all else for Anwar Ibrahim. The journey from being a beaten - literally and figuratively - wheelchair-bound figure to becoming the de facto leader of this group of gutsy people who have shaken the previously unshakeable BN machine to the core is nothing short of remarkable, the stuff legends are made off.

As some would say, the man can take a licking - but he keeps on ticking!

It was Anwar's clarion call of teformasi, defiantly and in the face of a dictator who would stoop to anything to retain power, in the 1990s that triggered everything that has eventually resulted in this triumph. Anwar irrelevant? The BN folk should practise their stand-up comedy skills!

Kudos too to Lim Kit Siang and his merry band of DAP-per brothers and sisters. Kit - who should have been made a Tun a long time ago - has toiled on the thankless opposition bench for decades. A lesser man would have packed it in a long time ago, but his fire burns as bright as ever.

There's just one more reward left for Kit - to see him as a member of the cabinet. That looks like a real possibility on this historic day, though he'll have to hang around until the next election for that to happen. Heck, after 30 or so years, what's another four or five?

A shout out too to other opposition stalwarts such as Karpal Singh and Tan Seng Giaw, Kit's equally determined and long-suffering brothers-in-arms.

A word too for PAS. They kept their end of the bargain - trouncing the BN in Kelantan and put up a strong fight in Terengganu - as well as leading the charge and winning in Kedah, and denying the BN valuable seats elsewhere in the country.

But most of all, this one is for the scores of thousands who took to the streets for Bersih and Hindraf. They showed that there is really no reason to fear anything. They led the way in this brave attempt by Malaysians to take back their country.

When a massive structure has been in place for decades, it cannot - and frankly should not - be brought down in one attempt. The nuts and bolts holding things in place are deeply embedded, and the first order of business is to remove the outer shell first.

The BN's outer shell has been removed. Now, the opposition parties have to start working on infiltrating the core. And if you really examine today's results, the BN core may not be too formidable at all.

More than 50 of the BN's 135-odd seats came from East Malaysia. In fact, these are the seats that the ruling coalition relied on to retain power. The opposition parties must now focus their efforts on making major inroads into Sabah and Sarawak.

In West Malaysia, it is Johor and Pahang that have provided the firewall for the BN. And these are the states the opposition needs to start working on earnestly. Take away these four big states in East and West Malaysia, and suddenly the BN is a pretty spent force.

But the opposition parties too need to be careful and deliberate in the way they move forward. This win will mean nothing four years down the road if they don't do things carefully.

One of the most important things to remember will be that the foundation of this nation remains the Malays and Malay culture. As go the Malays, so goes the nation. It is important that this fact is remembered and always kept in mind when the three opposition parties negotiate their way forward from here.

It is particularly important that the DAP should reassure the Malays that they are not just a Chinese party at heart. And it is not just words that will do the trick. Deeds are important.

The state that all eyes will be on is probably going to be Perak. Kedah and Kelantan will naturally have Malay first ministers, while Penang naturally lends itself to a Chinese No 1. But Perak is a trickier proposition, and it would be advisable for the DAP, despite winning the most state seats, to make way for a Malay menteri besar, preferably from the PKR.

Also tricky, if only for symbolic reasons, is the post of opposition leader. Since PKR won the largest number of seats, they have a claim to appoint the opposition leader. But here again, magnanimity and the spirit of ‘Malaysianess’, I suggest that the PKR should step aside and support Kit to continue as the opposition leader. Any other choice will come across as being distasteful and lacking class.

Finally, a word for Umno. It would be foolish to write them off as a spent force. They'll still be running this country, and if they are smart enough, they'll retool, haul themselves into the 21st century and remain a potent force.

If they don't resort to any hanky-panky in the coming days, they'll deserve praise for respecting the country's democratic system despite all the ills that have diseased this grand old party.

DAP must rise above race now

DAP must rise above race now
Neil Khor | Mar 10, 08 6:05pm
Now that the elections are over, the business of government and national reconciliation begins. The Malaysian people have decided to give their trust to some parties in the opposition.

In the case of Penang, the DAP and its partners have won a two-thirds majority. They might think it worth their while - looking at the rise and fall of Gerakan in Penang - to get some perspectives on the matter.

Gerakan won the state of Penang in 1969. The party immediately ran into difficulties. There has always been a bifurcation between the former United Democratic Party members and the ex-Labour Party members, both which formed the bulk of Gerakan's membership.

On one hand, the party was in power in Penang, with little choice but to work with a federal government dominated by the Alliance. But everywhere else the party was in the opposition. It could not get its act together and natural cracks turned into fissures. The party broke apart.

Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, the party absorbed members from the MCA. Dr Lim Keng Yaik and, for a short while and Michael Chen were among those who left the race-based party to join Gerakan. But in the process, they turned Gerakan into a mass single-race party. Gerakan became less non-sectarian and operating within the BN-fold and it soon regarded itself as a Chinese party.

Thus, by 2008, there was very little difference left between Gerakan and the MCA. Gerakan did not field a single non-Chinese candidate in this general elections. It agreed with the Chinese Town Hall that only a Chinese-educated person can be the Penang chief minister. Koh Tsu Koon could not even decide on who was going to lead Penang. The electorate responded and wiped out Gerakan!

I mentioned before that Gerakan's fate was sealed once it could no longer distinguish itself from the MCA. Both are fighting in a shrinking constituency. Whilst the MCA's constitution makes it rigidly stick to race, Gerakan had the great opportunity to position itself to take up the middle- ground. Instead it yielded that role to the DAP.

No doubt, the DAP is another traditionally Chinese-oriented party. Now is the moment that the DAP needs to rise above race. It must remember that Gerakan won in 1969 because Penangites felt that they had credible Malay leadership. Political parties forget Penang's non-sectarian voting patterns at their own peril. All non-sectarian parties have started and won here. The DAP is yet another in a long line beginning with the Radical Party, the Labour Party, the Socialist Front and Gerakan.

On the national front, these gains can quickly turn sour if we allow certain racist elements to dominate the airwaves. Already Zainal Kling, emeritus professor at UPSI (Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris), deliberately explained the electoral results through a racist lens. He was on TV3 throughout the election results night refusing the accept the reality that Malaysians have rejected the BN's race-based formula in Penang, Kedah, Kelantan, Perak and Selangor. Most of these states have a overwhelming Malay majority.

The DAP would do well to avoid the mistakes committed by Gerakan. Of course, Dr Lim Chong Eu had little choice as parliament was suspended and the country was effectively ruled by a dictatorship. DAP has a chance to rebuild Malaysia, to fulfill its original pledge to bring about a non-sectarian Malaysia. It now has to transform itself from a party in opposition to a party of government.

It has to realise that Penang's economy requires extra care. It must now be able to win enough confidence from the people who hold the keys to lockers and files; those who control the running of government to be able to govern Penang effectively. It can raise this confidence by making PKR its true partner, breaking forever the negative mould set by BN.

The people have given the opposition a chance to prove it can be a real alternative. To Gerakan and the MCA, its best chance for survival may begin with a deep soul-searching and perhaps, finding the courage to do away with race politics.

Anwar's comeback

Anwar's comeback PDF Print E-mail
Posted by Raja Petra
Monday, 10 March 2008

He leads unified opposition to big win, and there's talk of him being PM

By Zakir Hussain, THE STRAITS TIMES

TEN years after being booted out from office, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is poised to make the mother of all political comebacks.

'It is a new dawn for Malaysia,' the 60-year-old former deputy prime minister said after opposition parties denied the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition a two-thirds majority in Parliament and wrested four states from it.

He could have been speaking about his future.

Datuk Seri Anwar has emerged as a de facto leader of the opposition. He was instrumental in brokering a deal between Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and the Democratic Action Party (DAP) - two parties mutually suspicious of each other - to avoid three-way fights.

The success of the coalition of opposition parties, including Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), has given his standing a major boost. He is now seen as the only politician who can unify the opposition into a coherent and credible force.

And that, in turn, has fuelled talk of him as a future prime minister.

'He played a major role in the opposition's success...He delivered a powerful blow to the ruling party,' Dr Mohamad Agus Yusoff of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia told AFP. 'He could one day become the prime minister. If the Barisan remains weak, we could see it being toppled in the next polls.'

But first, he has to get elected as a Member of Parliament.

In answer to questions about his future, Datuk Seri Anwar has said he is 'in no hurry to get into Parliament'.

'I have 31 seats to consider which Keadilan won,' he said yesterday, referring to the party his wife leads.

Datuk Seri Anwar is barred from standing for election until next month - the result of a conviction in 1999 for corruption, a charge which he says was politically motivated.

But he has said he could re-enter Parliament through a by-election. And his wife, Datin Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, who regained her seat in Penang with a bigger majority, has indicated she may step down to trigger just such an election.

His comeback as head of the opposition would be the latest milestone in a career that has had major turns.

A Penang native, Datuk Seri Anwar first drew notice as a fiery student leader with a strong following.

He was tapped by then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to join Umno. In 1982, he won a seat from his hometown Permatang Pauh, and his political career took a meteoric rise.

Datuk Seri Anwar was elected Umno Youth chief in 1984, and was vice-president in 1986. He was put in charge of various ministries before being appointed finance minister in 1991 and deputy prime minister in 1993.

His fall from grace was just as rapid - and brutal.

In 1998, Datuk Seri Anwar was sacked by his mentor over allegations of sexual misconduct and abuse of power.

In the run-up to that, tensions had grown between the two over matters such as how to manage the economy in the wake of the Asian financial crisis.

In 1999, Datuk Seri Anwar was convicted on four corruption counts and sentenced to six years in jail, triggering violent street protests for four days.

In 2000, he was sentenced to nine years in jail for sodomy - a charge from which he was acquitted in 2004.

Since his release, Datuk Seri Anwar has been a visiting professor at Georgetown and Johns Hopkins universities in the United States, and at Oxford in Britain.

More recently, he has spent more time at home as adviser to PKR, campaigning across the country on its behalf.

Umno leaders have vilified his moral record and more recently, his track record in government - to little effect.

'He has, in a dramatic way, shut up all the Umno leaders, Abdullah and Najib included, who have dismissed him as irrelevant,' said Mr Yang Razali Kassim, senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

But Datuk Seri Anwar's climb back to the post many of his supporters believe was rightfully his may not be so swift.

Political analyst Shamsul Amri Baharuddin said the opposition would have to forge an alliance and create a two-party system in order to build a future for itself.

He told AFP: 'Only then will Anwar have a chance to become a prime minister, and maybe he could be a prime minister in the next 10 years.'

Husam akan temui Guan Eng

Husam akan temui Guan Eng PDF Print E-mail
Posted by Erin
Tuesday, 11 March 2008

(GlobalMediaChannel) - Naib Presiden PAS, Datuk Haji Husam Musa akan menemui Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang, Lim Guang Eng dalam masa terdekat bagi membincangkan kerjasama untuk memastikan kerajaan-kerajaan negeri dari pembangkang benar-benar merupakan kerajaan rakyat. "Selain kerjasama dua hala antara kedua-dua pihak, kunjungan hormat itu juga merupakan tanda sokongan dan solidariti dengan kerajaan Pulau Pinang yang baru," katanya.

Kunjungan Husam itu adalah sebagai tanda permuafakatan yang lebih rapat diantara PAS dan DAP dalam mentadbir negeri-negeri yang kini telah ditawan oleh Barisan Alternatif.

Selain itu, Husam dan Guan Eng juga dijangka akan membincangkan tentang pembentukan Barisan Alternatif (BA) secara rasmi setelah rakyat kini dilihat sudah menaruh keyakinan terhadap BA.

Tindakan ini harus diambil segera supaya mengelakkan salah anggap yang menjadi propaganda BN bahawa pembangkang masih tidak bersatu.

Menurut beliau, langkah ini juga boleh mengelakkan kekeliruan sama ada satu-satu negeri dikuasai PAS, KeADILan atau DAP.

Sabahan's True Color

Sabahan's True Color PDF Print E-mail
Posted by labisman
Tuesday, 11 March 2008

Sample Image

We will glorify corrupt act, support corrupt politicians to the very ends. If it requires, we shall assist them in their unlawful activity or simply closed one eye.

First of all, congratulations for those folks in Kedah, Perak, Kelantan, Penang and Selangor for having the guts to changes. And, the utmost congratulations the folks in Sabah for showing their true color, which is, being dumb and dumber.

For being Sabahan, I’m disgusted, ashamed, frustrated, fooled, dismayed, shocked and whatever feeling ones felt if being let down. Well, this is only me saying and Sabahan has decided ‘we truly love BN!’ saying out loud.

For the next five years, we Sabahan should glorify and never ever complained wrong doing. Again, we Sabahan have decided, right?

We will glorify corrupt act, support corrupt politicians to the very ends. If it requires, we shall assist them in their unlawful activity or simply closed one eye.

We will go all out partying for having another or a couple more case of Donni John Duin, 11 years old, who committed suicide because his family was poor. A boy that age knows the shame of being poor, an adults like the most of us are too dumb to have that thoughts. Again, congratulations to Sabahan for supporting poverty elongation plan.

Hike of petrol price, don’t complain Sabahan, we have supported this plan and motive when we gave BN the land slide victory. Be happy to let your children walk on foot to school, as no money to run your motorbike. Tell the housewives it is all in the plan to have increase in essential goods.

Be proud to have illegal immigrants to invade your land, after all, BN owed their favor during this election. Please welcome them with open heart, show them our courtesy and show them where to build their new homes on our ancestral land.

Rest assure, the village road to your kampongs to be muddy as before, as giving BN the mandate the so called Sabah Development Corridor will go on, and guess what? No budget or allocations for your kampong road. Hooray!

Sabah Development Corridor planning; where the money coming from, there are many more ‘Corridors’ around Malaysia , any allocations for Sabah ? If there is any, rest assures my dear Sabahan, you’ll not going to benefit them at all. It is still falls to those cronies, poor Sabahan are not qualified as main cronies.

The Sabah Baru/Bodoh new pledges:

- We will support corruptions

- We will support the plans for hunger and proud being poor

- Illegal immigrant will be sheltered, educate and given proper employment

- We can live with inadequate basic necessities, rationed water supplies are ok, partial electricity supplies are ok, no lights on main road are ok, muddy kampong roads are ok, in short living like third world country is OK.

- Supporting in the rise of daily cost of living, such as, hike in petrol price indirectly raise the cost of living. With the recent ‘contribution’ by BN during campaigning will eventually offset these rises.

- We will support ethnic marginalization

- We will support ‘restricted’ religious so called freedom

- We will support unfair education system

- And most of all we will support LIES.

With this I rest my case.

By,

Wildman of Borneo

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P7fog5EjJTc

WE are THe World (with words) Karaoke

PKR offers itself for Perak MB post

PKR offers itself for Perak MB post
Chan Kok Leong | Mar 10, 08 11:32am

While the leading opposition party in Perak, DAP met to discuss who they would support for the state's Menteri Besar position, PKR held theirs in Segambut, Kuala Lumpur.

Although, it was not known what was discussed in the closed door meeting, PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim told the media that there was a likelihood that the next Perak MB will be from PKR.

On the suggestion that DAP might have a problem with nominating one of their own as the next MB as there is a state criteria of having a Muslim as the head of state, Anwar gave a mixed answer.

"No the DAP is not troubled by the Muslim criteria. I've spoken to YB Lim Kit Siang, other DAP leaders and have been in communication with PAS leaders.

"DAP has the most number of seats in Perak but they think that for the smooth transition, we are considering having a Malay MB with a Chinese and Indian participation."

Asked if a PKR representative would be picked instead, he said, "There is a likelihood and we will discuss this further”.

In the fight for the Perak state assembly, DAP won all 18 of the seats in contested. PKR won seven and PAS took six, to make it 31 seats in total out of the 59 state seats available, winning with a simple majority to rule the state. BN won the remaining 28 seats.

It is also learnt that in an agreement between the opposition parties, DAP has agreed to give PKR the menteri besar post, and in return DAP would have seven representatives in the state exco. PAS and PKR will have two each, including the menteri besar.

Right policies for Indians

Meanwhile, Anwar said that while there were no active moves to lobby Barisan Nasional representatives to cross over to help them form the next federal government, it did not ruled it out either.

"While it is premature to suggest any bold moves now, many members in Umno and other BN parties feel that there should be a new dawn for Malaysia," he said.

"We should have a new Malaysian agenda. We should not be tied to the old politics of race and condoning corruption and the abuse of power. I would entertain that as long as they accept the ideals of our struggle."

The final count for the parliamentary seats are 140 for BN and opposition (PKR, DAP and Pas) taking in 82.

It was speculated that the opposition may attempt to encourage BN candidates to join them to form the next federal government.

To form the government, either coalition needs only 112 parliamentary seats.

On requests for Hindraf's legal advisor M Manoharan be made a deputy Menteri Besar in Selangor, Anwar said that it was not the right time to discuss that now.

"We respect their demands. But what is important now is the kind of policies we can formulate to help the marginalised Indians and not the matter of positions they can get."

Malaysia opposition win shows power of cyberspace

Malaysia opposition win shows power of cyberspace PDF Print E-mail
Posted by kasee
Sunday, 09 March 2008

By Bill Tarrant

KUALA LUMPUR (Reuters) - Malaysia's weak opposition was up against a hostile mainstream media and restrictive campaign rules, but it can chalk up much of its stunning success in Saturday's election to the power of cyberspace.

Voters exasperated with the unvarnished support of the mainstream media for the ruling National Front furiously clicked on YouTube and posted comments with popular bloggers about tales of sex, lies and videotapes in the run-up to Saturday's election.

Jeff Ooi, a 52-year-old former advertising copywriter who made his name writing a political blog, "Screenshots" (www.jeffooi.com) won a seat in northern Penang state for the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP).

Elizabeth Wong, a human rights activist and political consultant who runs a blog (http://elizabethwong.wordpress.com), won a state assembly seat in the central state of Selangor.

YouTube, the phenomenally popular video Web site, did as much damage as any opposition figure could hope to inflict, after netizens uploaded embarrassing videos of their politicians in action on hot-button issues.

One YouTube video in January showed ruling party MP Badruddin bin Amiruldin causing a ruckus in parliament over whether Malaysia was an Islamic state. "Malaysia is an Islamic state," he declared. "You don't like it, you get out of Malaysia!"

Muslim Malays form the majority in multi-racial Malaysia, but ethnic Chinese and Indians account for a third of the population and they deserted the ruling National Front in droves, partly in outrage over the religious debate.

SEX, SLEAZE, CORRUPTION

Another YouTube video that got wide distribution shows a rambling and incoherent Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin, in a live interview with al-Jazeera, excitedly defending a police crackdown against peaceful protesters calling for changes to the electoral process in November.

Zainuddin was one of several "big guns" in the National Front that fell to the opposition's onslaught.

Sex, sleaze and corruption were election issues and they all had video soap operas on Web sites.

Malaysia's health minister resigned in January after admitting he and a female friend were the couple in a secretly filmed sex video uploaded on YouTube. That cost some votes.

"We were concerned about the morality of our leaders," said Maisarah Zainal, a 26-year-old teacher in Kuala Lumpur. "It didn't help that Chua Soi Lek was involved in a sex video."

Loh Gwo Burne, who secretly videotaped a phone conversation, allegedly showing a high-profile lawyer trying to fix judicial appointments with Malaysia's former chief judge, was elected to a seat in parliament from a seat in suburban Kuala Lumpur.

The grainy video hit a nerve in Malaysia, whose judiciary has been under question since the late 1980s.

Malaysia's blogging community offer alternative views in a country where the government keeps a tight control on mainstream media. The government said last year it might compel bloggers to register with the authorities to curb the spread of malicious content on the Internet.

Government backers doubt whether bloggers turned opposition politicians could make their presence felt. "Beyond the major cities like Kuala Lumpur and Penang, there's not much the bloggers can really hope to accomplish," says Mohamad Norza Zakaria, a leader in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's UMNO party ( www.umno-online.com )

The Chinese-backed DAP, by contrast, appointed blogger Ooi to head the party's "e-campaign."

Even a barely literate 89-year-old grandmother running for parliament with little money and only a bicycle to get around on, hopped the cyberspace bandwagon with a Facebook profile and her own blog, courtesy of some Internet savvy supporters. Mamin Yusuf, however, lost. It wasn't clear how many of her potential voters were hooked up to the Internet in northeastern Terengganu.